Monday 11 April 2022

Last Newspoll before 2022 federal general election was announced

 

Newspoll published on The Australian on 10 April 2022. Based on YouGov survey of 1,506 respondents conducted between 6 and 9 April.



RESULT



First Preference


Labor – 37% (-1)

Coalition – 36% (0)

Greens – 10% (0)

United Australia Party – 4% (+1)

One Nation – 3% (0)

Others10%



Two-Party Preferred 4 February 2018 to 10 April 2022


Click on image to enlarge














Two-Party Preferred 6-9 April 2022


Labor – 53% (-1)

Coalition – 47% (+1)



Based on Anthony Green’s Election Calculator this Two-Party Preferred result would see a 4.4% swing to Labor with 80 seats won (a gain of 11 seats) to Coalition with 65 seats won (a loss of 11 seats) and Minor Parties/Independents with 6 seats won - after factoring in retiring and sophomore MPs.



Preferred PM


Morrison (Coalition) – 44 (+1)

Albanese (Labor) – 39 (-3)

Uncommitted17 (+2)



Leaders Performance


Albanese – Approve 42 (-1) Disapprove 45 (+1)

Morrison Approve 42 (0) Disapprove 54 (0)



Note:

Survey margin of error is ±2.5%



Comparing the Polls


IMAGE: 9 News, 10 April 2022
Click on image to enlarge




Top 10 Wealthy Federal Electorate and Bottom 10 Electorates - a very brief glimpse at the Australian experience of inequality

 

TOP 10 HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES ELECTORATES RANKED BY ORDER OF WEALTH IN 2020*



Wentworth (NSW) – Liberal – Dave Sharna since 2019 (general election) – No 1 electorate


Warringah (NSW) – Independent – Zali Steggall since 2019 (general election) – No 2 electorate


Bradfield (NSW)Liberal Paul Fletcher since 2009 (by-election) – No 3 electorate


North Sydney (NSW) – Liberal – Trent Zimmerman since 2015 (by-election) – No 4 electorate


Mackellar (NSW) – Liberal – Jason Falinski since 2016 (general election) – No 5


Cook (NSW) – LiberalScott Morrison since 2007 (general election) – No 6


Goldstein (Vic) – Liberal – Tim Wilson since 2016 (general election) – No 7


Higgins (Vic) – Liberal Katie Allen since 2019 (general election) – No 8


Curtin (WA) – Liberal Celia Hammond since 2019 (general election) – No 9


Kooyong (Vic) – Liberal Josh Frydenberg since 2019 (general election) – No 10.


Four Liberal electorates in this group contain sitting members in the office of Prime Minister, Treasurer, Minister for Communications, Urban Infrastructure, Cities and the Arts and, Assistant Minister to the Minister for Industry, Energy and Emissions Reduction.


Within this group of wealthy electorates only est. 6.48% of all households were living below the poverty line. 


It should come as no surprise that in 10 electorates with the lowest wealth rankings:


5 were Labor electorates Spence (SA), Brand (WA), Burt (WA), Blair (Qld), Chifley (NSW); and


5 were LNP/Nationals electorates – Herbert (Qld), Flynn (Qld), Forde (Qld), Longman (Qld), Capricornia (Qld).


Across these five Labor electorates est.13.38% of all households were living below the poverty line**, while across the other five LNP/Nationals electorates est.12.18% of all households were living below the poverty line.


The two NSW Northern Rivers federal electorates ranked 25th (Richmond –  Labor since 2004) and 112th (Page – Nationals since 2013 general election) for average wealth per capita. With Richmond having 14% of all households living below the poverty line and Page having 16.4% of households.


NOTE: 

* Order of wealth is calculated by average per capita wealth in an electorate as set out in Roy Morgan Wealth Report, 1 May 2020.

** RMIT ABC Fact Check, "Federal electorates ranked by percentage of households below the poverty line", 24 October 2019.


Sunday 10 April 2022

Following Scott John Morrison's announcement today of a 41-day political party campaign in leadup to the 21 May 2022 federal general election polling day - as promised total listing to date of the 316 nicknames & descriptive political terms applied to Morrison on social media demonstrating how much he is 'admired'


Self-proclaimed ‘Scomo’ Scott Morrison’s other nicknames and the descriptive political terms applied to him by the general public up to 8 April 2022


Listed in no particular order and presented as hashtags for readers’ convenience. Some of these nicknames and descriptive political terms surfaced for a single tweet or post while others were repeated and shared multiple times. Sometimes similar hashtags appear to represent different aspects of Scott Morrison’s behaviour over time. This is not an exhaustive list – it is likely there are tweets and posts I did not happen to see. One hashtag has been left off this list because the level of profanity was problematic.


#LiarFromTheShire #ScottyFromMarketing #ScumMo #SloMo #SmoKo #StuntMo #ScamMo #ScoMoFo #ScoMocchio #ProMo #FauxMo #CoalMo #GunnaDoMorrison #CrimeMinister #PrimeSinister #MorriScum #SloganBogan #ScoMoses #KoalaKiller #SmirkyMcSmirkface #TyphoidScotty #Bullshitboy #NotMyPM #ScottyFromSportsRorts #GrottyScotty #SideshowScott #TheJerkWithTheSmirk #TheEngadineShitter #HappyClappySloganBogan #ScottyNoMates #ScottyBornToShill #SnollygosterInChief #TrumpsBitch #ScoMoron #SmirkingSnake #SignificuntScotty #DeathMaker #ScottyTheAnnouncer #TheSmugThug #ScuntMo #JobShirker #JobDodger #ShirknSmirk #ScottyTheSaviour #MissionCreepMorrison #ScottyTheSimp #ScottyFromGilead #MaliciousMorrison #TrumpLite #ScottyTheBully #ScoFuckingMo #ScottyGanda #FoghornLiehorn #MansplainerInChief #Scooter #ScottyForPhotoShoots #ScottyThePoser #PerformativeShitclown #BunningsBoy #ScoVid #ScottyTheSkiver #PinchfartMorrison #ScottyWotty #ScottyNeverHelped #SnottyTheGrifter #RoboScomo #ScumNut #ScottyFromGasMarketing #ScottAllMouthNoTrousersMorrison  #KimJongScottyUn #Scrotum #Fullofshiticus #ScottyGaveMeShingles #CaptainSmirk #McFuckface #SideshowScott #ScottyFromPhotoOps #DoughMo #ScottyTheUninvited #ScottyStoppedTheExports #ScottyThePutz #scottyfkntrump #SmirkAndMirrorsMorrison #ScottyNeverHelped #ScottyMIA #Slomoaf #InactionMan #SnakeOilScumo #NoShowMo #WhatsInItForScotty #ScottyTheFukwit #ScottyTheCharlatan #ScottyDoNothing #SnottieTheSpiv #ScottyTheVile #ShonkyFromTheStartScotty #ScottyKnew #ScottyFromCoverUps #ScottyTheRapistProtector #ScottyTheUnsavoury #ScottyTheQueueJumper #ScottyTheMisogynist #ScottyDoesNothing #PastorBumblefuck #ScottyIPromiseNotToShootWimmensMorrison  #Squirmo #Scrotum #ScottyTheUnhinged #ScottyUnfitForOffice #LordSmirkington #ScottyTheGaslighter #ScottyFromDamageControl #SpinMeisterMorrison #ScottyTheLiar #ClotMorrison #Scoflake #ScareMo #MilkshakeMorrison #MealeyMouthMorriscum #ScottyBlahBlah #CanDooDooMorrison #MorrisonTheSpiritualAbuser #ScottyTheChosenOne #ScottyFromHillsong #ScottAlmighty #ScottyTheIntern #SquattyFromMarketing #MilkshakeTwerkinJerkinMotormouth #PariahFromTheShire #scroto #ElSmirko #ScottTheArseholePrick #ClottyTheEagleOfGod #TheLastKingofCookland #ScottyFromBlathering #Scomozzle #ScottyFromCarpeting #Scoff #Scovid #ScottyFromQanon #ScottyTheTosser #FakeScott #Moronson #ScottytheChildAbuser  #ScottytheMonster #ScottyTheSerialUnderachiever #QanonPM #RoboSco #ScottyNoFriends #sQomo #Sqotty #QanonPM #ScottyFromStuffUps #LunaticInTheLodge #ScottyTheSuperSpreader #CrookFromCook #ClotMo #Smuggo #ScottyTheFaker #ScottyInHiding #ScottyTheProtocolCreep #ScottyTheObserver #ScottyTheAntichrist #SCOalMOle #ScottyTheDictator #ScottyFromHairPlugs #MorrisonTheOneManBand #WallpaperGuy #ScottyTheMaliciousAdvisor #ScottyFromMuppeting #ScottyTheBlameShifter #ScottyTheCoward #HuffMuffMorrison #SirMoron #MassMurdererMorrison #GotOffScottFreeMorrison #EvilBully #Clotty #Morrisogynist #AlohaScotty #IonlyHoldAPoseMorrison #JesusMorrison #ShoutyMcDickhead #ShoutyMcShoutface #ScottyFromGlasgow #PrimeMinisterForNSW #ScottyTheClimateFake #ComboverMorrison #LordOfTheLies #MorrisonTheDestroyer #TheAustralianWayPrimeFailure #PrimeFailureMorrison #ScottyHasAPamphlet #ScottyHasAPlan #ScottyThePariah #ScottyTheTraitor #ScottyTheLeaker #MorrisonPantsOnFire #DimwitDipshitDropkickClown #MorrisonNoShow #ScottyThePalterer #ScottyTheCoalFondler #LooseLipsMorrison #PrimeArsonist #ScottyThePathologicalLiar #TickTockScuntMo #ScottyTheSmugBastard #HawaiiScoMo #ScottyDontHoldAHose #ScottytheDogWhistler #ScottyTheNasty #TickTockScottym #CanDoCapitalismAndWontDoGovernmentMorrison #PrimeMemeMinister #ShanghaiScott #SnotMorrison #ScottytheLiarbyOmission #BooooScottyBoooo #BooHooScotty #ArrogantScott #SmirkingLumpOfSentientPizzaDough #Scomicron #ScottyCouldntGiveaRats #ScottyFromEugenics #RATPM #RestingSmugFace #PapaSmirk #ScottytheFailure #RentaGospelScottMorrison #MotormouthMorrison #PrimeMonsterMorrison #ScottyTheMediaWhore #GoSlowScomo #ScottTheUnlikeable #CantCountMorrison #ScottNoIdea #ScottyTheCreep #AbsoluteArseholeMorrison #ScottyFromHairdressing #ScottyNoEmpathy #ScottyTheWanker #PrimeIncompetent #ScottyTheIdiotInCharge #SensitiveScotty #ScottyTheTool #ScottyTheFraud #MorrisonTheCallousHypocrite #MorrisonFail #ShitshowMorrison #ScottyTheDickhead #ScottyTheShitMagnet #ScottyThePsycho #Psychomo #ScottyTheAbsolutePsycho #KirribilliHillbilli #ScottyTheBludger #ScottyTheGutlessWonder #ScottyFromDressups #MorrisonTheManipulator #MachiavellianMorrison #ScottyDoesSweetFA #ScottyFromWelding #PartTimeMPScott #JustForShowMorrison #BubbleMerchant #Scumo4Armageddon #ScottyTheGreatPretender #ShysterFromTheShire #ScottyTheScumbag #ScottyTheGutless #MorrisonTheNarcissist #MorrisonTheCallousChristian #MorrisonTheChristianHypocrite #MorrisonTheShapeShifter #MorrisonTheBully #LameSinister #ScottyTheRacist #TwoTimesSackedScotty #ScottyTheWarmonger #ScottyTheApocalypse      #ScottyheClotProtector #ScottyFromAnnounceables #ScottyThePrick#RortMan #MorrisonFromEugenics #NotFitToBePrimeMinisterMorrison #ScottyTheWrecker #ScaredyCatScotty #ScottyDontManAFloodboat #CaptainAustralia #BooedAtAFuneralMorrison #DelusionalScotty #Scomocron #Slimo #ScottyWetPants #ScottyThe[insert emoji here] #ScottyTheBlamer #ScottyTheShitMagnet #ScottyTheSmirkingAssassin #ScottytheDodger #ScottyTheScuttler #ScottyTheBlowHard #ScottyTheBullshitter #ScottyTheBulky #ScottyTheThief #ScottyTheBaldy #ScottyTheBusBoy #Scottythe[fill in the next word] #ScottyTheController #ScottyThe-fill-in-fuckup #ScottyTheDrongo #ScottyFromSky #ToxicScotty #ScottyFromSkidMarketing #KingOfKirribilli #PrimeGaslighter #worstPMever


TOTAL 316


Addendum

added 13 May 2022


#ScottyMustGo #ScottyTheWelder #ScottyTheCloseFriendOfChildren #OneJobMorrison #CowardFromCook #AllTinselNoTreeMorrison #ScatMo #PrimeMinisterForPenmanship


TOTAL 324

 

So how does the Reserve Bank see household finances across Australia in April 2022?


 

Although global financial systems have held up during the COVID-19 global pandemic, by April 2022 the Russian invasion of Ukraine and subsequent risk of financial stress caused by sanctions had become a factor in the international financial equation. Thus far any risk for Australia's economy appears to be considered manageable.


However, with interest rates expected to begin to rise again by June 2022, real wages growth still in what has been an 8 year-long stagnation with no light on the horizon, home insurance rates predicted to rise by more than 10 per cent on the back of widespread flooding on the Australian east coast, a continuing shortage of affordable housing stock with overall housing supply also expected to significantly drop and, annual residential rental growth continuing to rise sharply, the next few years may not be as manageable for some households.


Here are excepts from the Reserve Bank’s assessment of household and business finances.


Reserve Bank of Australia, Financial Stability Review April 2022, Household and Business Finances:


The incidence of household financial stress is low and declining, but a small share of households are vulnerable to cash flow shocks …


The share of APRA-regulated lenders’ non-performing housing loans was just 0.9 per cent at the end of 2021 – lower than before the pandemic (see ‘Chapter 3: The Australian Financial System’). Almost all borrowers who have exited loan payment deferral arrangements available earlier in the pandemic are now up to date with their repayments. The recent strength in employment is likely to have offset the unwinding in fiscal policy support for most indebted households. For the small number of borrowers who are currently experiencing repayment difficulties, liaison with banks indicates that the vast majority had been experiencing problems prior to the pandemic, and that early indicators of financial stress in other borrowers (such as households reducing their prepayments) remain very low.


Households in flood-affected areas of New South Wales and Queensland are facing significant challenges. To alleviate near-term financial challenges, government disaster-relief payments and hardship assistance from lenders have been made available. Recent estimates suggest that the number of insurance claims is higher than following the 2011 Queensland floods and Cyclone Yasi; although, to date, the total value of claims has been lower as fewer homes require rebuilding. Banks direct exposures to the most heavily affected households are small relative to total lending.


More broadly, the small share of borrowers with low liquidity buffers are more likely than other borrowers to have their financial resilience tested if they experience an adverse shock to their incomes or expenses, including through higher inflation. The risks for households with low liquidity buffers are likely to be even higher for those whose payment buffers have been declining (as opposed to low and stable) and for those who also have high levels of debt. The Securitisation data indicate that, for owner-occupiers with variable-rate loans, the overall share of borrowers with a loan six or more times their income and a buffer of less than one month of minimum repayments has declined since the beginning of the pandemic, to just below 1 per cent (Graph 2.4). The share of owner-occupier variable-rate borrowers with low and declining buffers has decreased to around 2 per cent over the same period. Declines in the shares of both groups of vulnerable borrowers are partly due to lower interest rates.


Historically, renters have been more likely to experience financial stress than indebted owner-occupiers. According to the Household, Income and Labour Dynamics in Australia (HILDA) survey, around one-third of renters reported at least one instance of financial stress (such as being unable to pay a bill on time or heat their home) in 2020, compared to one-sixth of owner-occupiers (Graph 2.5). Although renters are unlikely to pose direct risks to the stability of the financial system (as they have less debt), financial stress for renters could translate to repayment difficulties for indebted landlords or pose indirect risks by constraining household consumption and so economic activity. Renters with a combination of low liquidity buffers prior to the pandemic (equivalent to less than one month of disposable income) and high housing cost burdens (rental payments equivalent to more than 30 per cent of disposable income) were much more likely to report financial stress than other households. Around 15 per cent of renters were vulnerable based on this metric in 2020.


Although the value of consumer debt has declined over recent years, there has been strong growth in households using buy now, pay later (BNPL) services. BNPL services are generally a form of short-term financing that allow consumers to pay for goods and services in instalments. It is estimated that the value of BNPL transactions increased by around 40 per cent over the year to the December quarter of 2021, and the total number of BNPL accounts was equivalent to around one-third of the adult population (although some people have more than one account). There have been some increases in the incidence of late payments on these products. However, the value of BNPL transactions remains relatively small compared to other forms of personal finance, with the value of domestic personal credit and charge card purchases on Australian issued cards around 15 times larger than BNPL transactions in the December quarter of 2021.


including a small share of borrowers who could struggle to service their debts as a result of higher interest rates and/or inflation


.Around 60 per cent of all borrowers currently have variable-rate loans, with around two-thirds of these being owner-occupiers. Scenario analysis using information in the Securitisation dataset indicates that if variable mortgage rates were to increase by 200 basis points:

just over 40 per cent of these borrowers made average monthly payments over the past year that would be large enough to cover the increase in required repayments (Graph 2.6)

a further 20 per cent would face an increase in their repayments of no more than 20 per cent

around 25 per cent of variable-rate owner-occupiers would see their repayments increase by more than 30 per cent of their current repayments; however, around half of these borrowers have accumulated excess payment buffers equivalent to one year’s worth of their current minimum repayments that could therefore help ease their transition to higher repayments

the share of borrowers facing a debt servicing ratio greater than 30 per cent (a commonly used threshold for ‘high’ repayment burdens) would increase from around 10 per cent to just under 20 per cent.


One caveat is that households’ average monthly mortgage payments over the past year may have been larger than might reasonably be expected going forward, especially as previous spending patterns resume alongside the recovery in economic activity. It is difficult to draw inferences about the capacity of investors with variable-rate loans to make higher repayments, as they tend not to make excess mortgage payments (and other forms of saving are less visible in available data).


Most borrowers with fixed-rate loans are also likely to be able to handle the increases in their repayments when their fixed-rate terms expire. 


Many borrowers have taken advantage of very low interest rates on fixed-rate products in recent years; in late 2021, almost 40 per cent of outstanding housing lending had fixed interest rates – roughly double the share at the start of 2020. Around three-quarters of currently outstanding fixed-rate loans will expire by the end of 2023……


Read the full analysis here.


Saturday 9 April 2022

Australian Human Rights Commission's UN accreditation withheld due to unease over federal government process of installing 'captain's pick' commissioners, as well as doubts about the commitment of the current Australian Attorney-General

 

Australian Human Rights Commission, general release, 7 April 2022:


Statement on international accreditation of the Australian Human Rights Commission


The Australian Human Rights Commission’s status as a National Human Rights Institution (NHRI) has been reviewed by the Global Alliance of National Human Rights Institutions (GANHRI) – the international standards body.


This review, conducted every five years, considers whether the Commission continues to meet the UN Principles on National Institutions (commonly known as the Paris Principles), which establish whether national human rights commissions operate with the necessary level of institutional independence to ensure the effective promotion and protection of human rights.


The Commission faced three possible outcomes through this review: reaccreditation as an A-status institution; downgrade to a B-status institution; or deferral of reaccreditation for a period of time in order for serious matters of compliance to be addressed.


The Australian Human Rights Commission was not reaccredited as an A-status national human rights institution. Its reaccreditation was deferred.


The key concern of the Committee that led to the deferral was the selection and appointment process for Commissioners. This latest report of 29 March 2022 reflects feedback from the Committee over a 10-year period about Australia’s appointment processes, with three appointments in this timeframe that did not meet the accreditation requirements.


Click to read the accreditation statement from GANHRI


The Australian Government now has approximately 15 months to address this matter before a final decision on the Commission’s status is taken by the Committee in October 2023. The Committee has indicated that the Commission is at risk of being downgraded to a B-status NHRI if this issue is not sufficiently addressed within this timeframe.


For 30 years the Australian Government has played a key role in promoting the establishment of national human rights institutions across the globe, including by leading resolutions in the UN General Assembly and UN Human Rights Council on the importance of such institutions. This is the first time the Commission has been at risk of losing its A-status as an NHRI since the establishment of international standards for National Human Rights Institutions in 1993.


The Commission’s President, Emeritus Professor Rosalind Croucher AM, has shared with the Government the Commission’s concerns over the implications of the deferral and potential risks to the promotion and protection of human rights in Australia, as well as Australia’s reputation internationally.


The Commission continues to advocate for the necessary policy and legislative changes to ensure Commissioner appointments are publicly advertised and subject to an open, transparent and merit-based process, in line with our international commitments. The Commission will continue to work with the Government, the Parliament and civil society to secure a successful re-accreditation as an A-status NHRI in 2023.


Friday 8 April 2022

The Liberal Party of Australia continues to rip itself apart ahead of the May 2022 federal general election

 

On 5 April 2022 the Liberal Party of Australia (NSW Division) Executive was composed of: State President Philip Ruddock, State Director (in attendance) Chris Stone, Urban Vice-Presidents Penny George, Country and Regional Vice-Presidents Tobias Lehmann & Aileen MacDonald Female Vice-President Mary-Lou Jarvis, Young Liberal President De Yi WuLeader of the Federal Parliamentary Party Scott Morrison MP (and from time to time his representative Alex Hawke MP), Leader of the State Parliamentary Party Dominic Perrottet MP, Urban Representatives James Wallace, Matthew Hana, Chantelle Fornari-Orsmond, Martin ZaiterSally Betts, Zac Miles, Michelle Byrne, Sammy Elmir & Jacqui Munro (replacing Matthew Camenzuli who was expelled from the Liberal Party on or about 6 April 2022 for bringing the legal action, Camenzuli v Morrison), Country Representatives Michelle Bishop, Patrick Doherty, Mark Croxford, James Owen, Chair of Convention Committee and Director of Policy Engagement Alex Dore and Treasurer Mark Baillie.


A battle had been brewing for some time between the Federal Liberal Party Executive, the NSW Liberal Party Executive and state local party branches over the 2018 changes to the NSW Division Constitution which included the right to state branch plebiscites. These changes also allowed the federal leader of the Liberal Party a guaranteed seat on the executive.


The first hint of factional fighting and preselection battles came to light in the local government arena with Diaz v Ruddock; Attie v Ruddock and Zaiter v Ruddock in July 2021.


The open stoush widened and had developed by February 2022 into Camenzuli v Hawke. Followed by Morrison & Ors v Camenzuli & Ors; Attorney-General of the Commonwealth v Camenzuli & Ors, heard by the High Court of Australia in March 2022. The High Court remitted the case to its jurisdiction and then promptly remitted it back to NSW Court of Appeal – given that no difficulty was found to exist in the hearing schedule in the state court.


On 5 April 2022 in Camenzuli v Morrison the NSW Supreme Court, Court of Appeal, ruled that the Federal Liberal Party Executive had the power to intervene in the NSW Division’s candidate preselection process and take control of the selection of candidates.


The 12 electorates in question being Farrer, Mitchell, North Sydney, Hughes, Parramatta, Fowler, Grayndler, Newcastle, Warringah, Greenway, Eden-Monaro and McMahon. Candidate selection and endorsement was by a three person federal committee comprising Scott Morrison, Alex Hawke and Trent Zimmerman and occurred ahead of the 5 April judgment.


Subsequent to the 5 April judgment Morrison ordered the expulsion of Matthew Camenzuli from the Liberal Party. Mr. Camenzuli is appealing this expulsion.


Legal proceedings in the matter of the usurped state candidate preselection process has not gone away however.


In MATTHEW CAMENZULI v THE HON. SCOTT MORRISON MP First Respondent, CHRISTINE McDIVEN AM Second Respondent, THE HON. DOMINIC PERROTTET MP Third Respondent, THE HON. ALEX HAWKE MP Fourth Respondent, THE HON. SUSSAN LEY MP Fifth Respondent, TRENT ZIMMERMAN MP Sixth Respondent, THE HON. PHILIP RUDDOCK AO Seventh Respondent, THE HON. JOHN OLSEN AO Eighth Respondent on 7 April 2022 the High Court of Australia decided the timetable for hearing of oral arguments in this Special Leave To Appeal Application, commencing 4pm on Friday 8 April 2022.


Apparently Morrison et al intend to argue that Camenzuli no longer has standing before the Court as he is not now a member of the Liberal Party and will ask that the application be dismissed. 


Scott Morrison's dysfunctional need to control every aspect of the Liberal Party of Australia is ripping this 77 year-old conservative political party apart in a very public manner.