Tuesday 8 March 2016

Australian Federal Election 2016: Malcolm Bligh Turnbull's mother of all wars on the poor


If there was any doubt left that Prime Minster Malcolm Bligh Turnbull, who has been a millionaire for the last thirty-three years, is that classic form of well-heeled Liberal Party politician who believes that being poor and/or poorly educated is the personal fault of all individuals in those situations, then this report in New Matilda on 5 March 2016 should lay those doubts to rest:

Unemployed and underemployed Australians can be issued with on-the-spot fines by privately owned job agencies under a tough new Government proposal, writes Owen Bennett.
Later this month the Turnbull Government will be asking the Senate to support one of the most devastating attacks launched against poor and vulnerable Australians in recent memory.

The Bill – entitled Social Security Legislation Amendment (Further Strengthening Job Seeker Compliance) Bill 2015 – proposes to give privately run job agencies unprecedented new powers to financially penalise unemployed and underemployed Australians. If passed, the fines will come into effect on July 1 this year.

Under the proposal, Australians receiving the dole can be fined 10 per cent of their income support – increasing by 10 per cent each day until they ‘re-engage’ – if they:

* Fail to sign a job plan at their first job agency appointment; or
* Are found by their job agency to have behaved inappropriately at an appointment (“inappropriate behaviour” is defined as acting in a manner “such that the purpose of the appointment is not achieved”); or
* Fail to attend a Work for the Dole or Training exercise without an excuse deemed reasonable by the job agency.

All fines (roughly $55) will be deducted immediately. Unemployed Australians who feel they have been unfairly fined will be required to go through Centrelink’s arduous appeals process to get their money back – a procedure that can take up to four months.

This means that even if an unemployed worker successfully appeals against a fine – and thousands do every year – they will still be forced to endure up to four months without a significant portion of their income support.

As privately run job agencies can effectively impose these financial penalties on unemployed workers before having to provide any concrete proof, the Coalition’s proposal gives privately-owned job agencies the power of life and death over unemployed workers.

With the dole already $391 below the poverty line according to the Melbourne Institute, for many unemployed workers a 10 per cent deduction of their income support will place them in severe financial distress.

If this proposal is passed next month, unemployed Australians will be just one unfair penalty away from extreme poverty and even homelessness.….

Here is the Turnbull Government official spin on this bill, circulated by authority of the then Assistant Minister for Employment, Cowper MP Luke Hartsuyker.

Turnbull & Co expect to remove up to a total of $24.5 million from the pockets of the unemployed over the next three and a half years using the provisions in this bill.

Monday 7 March 2016

Liberal MP for Warringah Tony Abbott on the subject of 'what a great man I am'


This was former prime minister and MP for Warringah Tony Abbott donning his ‘journalist’ hat in The Australian on 27 February 2016 in order to trot out an increasingly tired old defence of his failed leadership.

We have courageous Tony, strong Tony, honest Tony, reforming Tony, fiscally responsible Tony, union busting Tony, tax killing Tony, boat stopping Tony, free trade Tony, war leader Tony, I'm better than Mal Tony,  et cetera, et cetera, et cetera…..

“The first law of governing is that you can’t spend what you can’t raise through taxes and borrowings; and the second law is that today’s borrowings have to be paid for — with interest — by tomorrow’s taxes. Governments, like households and businesses, have to live within their means.

With more than $250 billion of cumulative deficits under the former Labor government, the need for budget repair was the constant refrain of the Abbott opposition and the task of budget repair was the most important work of the Abbott government. We were far from fully successful but made a determined effort. 
Certainly, no fair-minded judge could accuse us of shirking the challenge.

In 2014, launching Paul Kelly’s book on the Rudd-Gillard era, I said that the mission of the Abbott government was to prove that the age of reform had been interrupted, not ended; and that the Rudd-Gillard years were an aberration, not the new normal. To then lose the prime ministership in a partyroom coup was to repeat recent history, not to change it. Still, for two years, the Abbott government squarely faced up to our nation’s challenges and did much that will stand the test of time.

We met new national security challenges at home and abroad with a strength and sureness that was noticed internationally. And we began the critical task of budget repair. This was achieved despite a hysterical opposition, a populist Senate crossbench, a poisonous media — and, as shown by the very well-organised September 2015 spill, some senior members who didn’t want the Abbott government to succeed.

As a citizen paying a mortgage, let alone as a senior minister working to a budget, I had always understood very well that everything has to be paid for. Every single thing that government does — maintaining the police and armed forces, administering justice, paying for social security and facilitating schools and hospitals — all has to be funded by taxpayers. So ensuring that government spends no more than it really must is not just an economic imperative, it’s also a moral one. It’s the respect that government owes to taxpayers for whom every dollar is hard-earned.

The key to a strong and prosperous economy was getting government spending down so that tax cuts could responsibly be delivered. This, in fact, is the constant challenge of government: keeping its own spending under control so that tax can be low and private sector confidence can be high.

Early on, the Abbott government showed its economic mettle.

Refusing to offer further subsidies to chronically unprofitable carmakers when Holden and Toyota announced, around Christmas 2013, the end of production in Australia; declining to extend a loan guarantee to Qantas when it claimed its future was in jeopardy; and telling SPC Ardmona to look to its parent company, rather than to government, for a bailout when its closure was a risk to regional Victoria meant that “the age of entitlement was over”, at least for business welfare.

These were not easy decisions. They were very vigorously debated inside the cabinet.

The Abbott government’s car industry decision will ultimately save taxpayers upwards of half a billion dollars a year. As its latest results show, our Qantas decision forced the unions to accept that their members’ jobs required their employer’s profitability. And our SPC decision forced the company to innovate rather than to continue products that had gone out of fashion.

In workplace relations, the Abbott government swiftly moved to reform the union movement in a pragmatic, two-step process that would lead to reform of workplaces.

At the 2013 election, we’d sought a mandate for a registered organisations commission to subject union officials to the same standards of governance as company directors, and for a re-established Australian Building and Construction Commission to be a tough cop on the beat for large projects regularly subject to union blackmail. We’d also promised a judicial inquiry into union corruption.

Now that the Heydon royal commission has provided an abundance of evidence to justify these policies, it’s hard to see the legislation once more being blocked in the Senate. The crossbenchers have the justification they need; and even a CFMEU-­influenced opposition is unlikely to risk a double-dissolution election defending union thugs.

These aren’t the workplace changes that the most committed reformers typically seek but they were the ones most likely to pass this Senate. Higher-calibre union officials would be more likely to enter into constructive negotiations with vulnerable employers. Further, an intimidation-free building industry, on past evidence, would likely be at least 10 per cent more efficient, saving consumers upwards of $5bn a year.

Wherever the Abbott government had comparative freedom of action — for instance, in national security or foreign policy — it was largely successful. Even in economic policy, which often required the passage of legislation through a difficult Senate, much was achieved. Indeed, one of the strongest endorsements of the Abbott government’s economic policy has been Malcolm Turnbull’s pledge to maintain it.

The abolition of the carbon tax removed a $9bn a year economic handbrake. The abolition of the confidence-killing mining tax was the clearest possible indicator that, under the Abbott government, Australia really was “open for business”. With the scrapping of its predecessor’s tax hits on educational expenses, on vehicle leasing and on bank account deposits, and with its reductions in tax for small business and the small business tax writeoff for assets under $20,000, the Abbott government demonstrated its tax-cutting credentials…….”

If anyone can bear to read further, the full newspaper article is here and an even wordier version is in the March issue of Quadrant here.

Australian Federal Election 2016: one for the FFS! file


Cory Bernardi going to the United Nations and staying on script? *shakes head*

The Advertiser, 1 March 2016:

SENATOR Cory Bernardi’s colleagues have voted to send him to Siberia for three months.
‘Siberia’ being the rarefied air of the United Nations in New York.
The Advertiser understands the firebrand’s mates were keen to give him the opportunity, but it took a few frenemies who wanted to see the back of him to give him the votes needed.
Senator Bernardi has been front and centre in recent weeks as the conservatives rock Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull’s boat.
Now he’ll disappear overseas for three months, just as speculation mounts about an early election…..

ABC News, 1 March 2016:

Liberal senator Cory Bernardi says he has been warned against "freelancing" during his three-month secondment at the United Nations.
Senator Bernardi has told the ABC he put himself forward for the short-term posting and won the ballot run by his fellow Liberal senators.
"I'm looking forward to engaging with the UN committee system, to see from a much closer perspective how it works and maybe how it can be improved," he said…..

SBS, 3 March 2016:

Conservative Liberal Cory Bernardi has vowed he won't succumb to "Stockholm syndrome" when he goes on a secondment to the United Nations.
Senator Bernardi has previously described the UN as an "unelected and unaccountable body" and a "fiscal black hole of bureaucracy".
"This secondment will provide me with a first-hand experience of whether those descriptions are accurate or not," he said in his latest newsletter.
Senator Bernardi said he's looking forward to seeing first-hand how the UN operates when he jets off for the three-month tour in September.
He's promised to be frank and fearless in his final assessment……

Sunday 6 March 2016

The "Bob Jelly Gazette" has its say on an Iluka development application


Below is a copy of an excerpt from the March 2016 newsletter put out by Iluka resident, Graeme Lynn and his small group of predominately enthusiastic pro-development fellow travellers calling themselves the Ratepayers Association of Iluka Inc.

Mr. Lynn, who besides being president of this particular ratepayers association and president of the Iluka Golf Club, is also a real estate agent.  

Readers may him remember from this premature online advertising of the proposed 162 lot subdivision at Lot 99 Hickey Street:


Local readers might enjoy comparing this North Coast Voices post with the ‘facts’ set out in the “Bob Jelly Gazette*:

The Ratepayers Association of Iluka Inc is the second lobby group formed in Iluka (the first being the Association of Iluka Residents A.I.R. incorporated in 1998) and, appears to be listed on the Australian Securities and Investment Commission website under a different name to that on the newsletter - i.e. the Ratepayers & Residents Association Of Iluka Incorporated (2007).

This is not the first time that the ratepayers group has talked of this particular subdivision. It was discussed at some length at an afternoon meeting on or about 1 February 2016 and, I believe that meeting was attended by Clarence Valley councillors, Jim Simmons and Andrew Baker.

It is my understanding that Graeme Lynn chaired this meeting, spoke at some length about the development application and answered questions from the floor on the subject. Although I cannot be certain that everyone at the meeting was aware that he apparently has an expectation of handling at least some of the lot sales if this Hickey Street subdivision goes ahead.

Mr. Lynn also shamelessly played ducks and drakes with dates and numbers in a letter to the editor on the subject in The Daily Examiner on 14 January 2016:

Facts next time**

I read Annie Dorrian's letter to the editor (January 12) and I believe the letter should have started with 'once upon a time'.

Annie is having a go at council saying there is not enough time to research and prepare a submission or even comment on the DA even after the submission deadline has been extended to February 12, making a grand total of 50 days.

With 11 days taken out when access to all the documents were not available in Iluka it still adds up to 39 days.

Statutory regulation gives a minimum of 14 days so I think council and the developer have been rather generous.

Now for the signs that were placed on the land on Christmas Eve 2013 they were simply stating a DA application was forthcoming and expressions of interest were invited. Nothing sinister or illegal about that Annie.

The only reasons the signs were removed is because almost nightly mindless morons vandalised the signs until they were unrepairable.

The statement saying the land is a corridor between two national parks, well I found one but the 2nd one must be well hidden because it doesn't exist.

The land abounding this development to the south is zoned residential, the land to the west residential, the land to the north residential and 6A open space, which is the golf course, with the national park being to the east of the road into town.

Why would you want a corridor anyway between the two as I am sure you have heard of road kill.

Annie also states that it could increase the population by up to 500 people, which may be true but she failed to say this could take anywhere from 30 to 50 years to happen.
Just look at Sovereign Street and see how many vacant blocks there are after nearly two decades.

I don't know what Annie's motives are in writing her letter but next time it should be factual instead of the once upon a time story she wrote.

Graeme Lynn, Iluka

His letter drew this response a few days later in the same newspaper:

Negative impacts

My husband and I have been holidaying at Iluka this week. What a special place.

The house we were staying in had a copy of your paper from January 14th. In it there was a letter from Graeme Lynn. Graeme was addressing a letter from Annie Dorrian.

Through the eyes of an objective onlooker it is easy to see that every paragraph about Graeme's letter was defensive to the point where I ask myself, "Does Graeme have a vested interest in the proposed development going ahead?".

Adding 25% to the Iluka population whether now or into the future will have definite negative impacts on this beautiful part of a wondrous coastline.


Meg Leathart, Coonabarabran

FOOTNOTES

Robert James 'Bob' Jelly is a fictional pro-development real estate agent and comic character played by actor John Howard in the long running ABC series Sea Change which ended in December 2000.

** Annie Dorian's letter to the editor, 16 January 2016:

162-lot subdivision

There are many questions about this subdivision.

Is it really honest for the Council's Environment, Planning and Community director to say they have already doubled the statutory exhibition period of 14 days (Daily Examiner 5.1.16) when the council rooms at both Maclean and Grafton were closed until the January 3, effectively reducing the length of time to read over 400 pages in 11 days?

Why was the DA not available on the council website or even in Iluka?

Thanks to community pressure the DA is now available at the Iluka Library which is open Monday, Wednesday and Friday.

Thanks to even more community pressure and media attention the submission date to comment has been extended to 4pm on February 12. Still not enough time to read, research and prepare a submission or even comment on the DA. We must have informed community scrutiny and enough time to do it.

Many people in Iluka are questioning the timing of the DA release on Christmas Eve and the fact that large signs on the Iluka Road advertised this development on Christmas Eve 2013.The signs were subsequently removed.

How is this possible or even legal before a DA has even been approved ?

Journalist Tim Howard's story states The Stevens Group acknowledges some environmental issues within this site.

Quite an understatement by the developer considering it is not just 'opposite a golf course' but adjacent to one of the last remnants of littoral rain forest in NSW and also a corridor between two national parks.

Large numbers of bird watchers, scientists and photographers frequent Iluka in the off season for the very reason that Iluka is unique and still home to more than 200 species of birds alone.
Do we really want to spoil this quiet, beautiful, unique place by increasing the population by up to 500, along with god knows how many more cars, cats and dogs.

If the community do want an increase in population this is the perfect opportunity for a developer to have a state of the art, sustainable, environmentally friendly development with stringent safeguards for native flora and fauna and larger house sites.

Any resident wishing to comment directly to the Northern Joint Regional Planning Panel can do so online as well as a submission to Clarence Valley Council.

Annie Dorrian, Iluka

An Instance Of Failure To Contact Civil Authorities In Relation To Allegations Of Child Sexual Abuse In Ballarat, Victoria


The subject of child sexual abuse is always distressing and nevermore so than during the four days in February-March 2016 when Cardinal Prefect George Pell gave evidence from Rome to the Australian Royal Commission into Institutional Responses to Child Sexual Abuse.

Below is a brief background of one of the convicted paedophiles, excerpts from Cardinal Pell's evidence with regard to this former Christian Brother and the Vatican response to the evidence.

This is not the only recorded instance where Cardinal Pell and the Catholic Church failed to contact civil authorities after it was discovered that schoolchildren were being sexually abused.
________________________________________

BACKGROUND - Edward Vernon "Ted" Dowlan

The Age, 9 February 2015:

A former Christian Brother who was part of a notorious paedophile ring involving the clergy should be returned to jail for a "significant" period of time, a court has heard.

Ted Dowlan found himself in a Melbourne courtroom this month, nearly 20 years since his first appearance in a dock, after more of his victims came forward during the state's parliamentary inquiry into child sex abuse last year.  

Dowlan, who changed his name by deed poll to Bales in 2011, has pleaded guilty to 33 counts of indecently assaulting boys under the age of 16 and one count of gross indecency between 1971 and 1986 involving 20 victims……

Dowlan, 65, was teaching at Ballarat's St Alpius primary school in 1971 with other convicted paedophile brothers including Robert Best, Stephen Farrell and Gerald Fitzgerald. Gerald Ridsdale, who is regarded as one of Australia's worst paedophile priests, was the school's chaplain.

Dowlan admitted abusing boys at St Alpius in 1971; St Thomas More College in Forest Hills (1972); St Patrick's College in Ballarat (1973-74); Warrnambool Christian Brothers College (1975-76); Chanel College, Geelong (1980); and Cathedral College, East Melbourne (1982-1988).

Mr Sonnet said the Christian Brothers were aware of what Dowlan was doing and failed to act to stop him, instead moving him from school to school, which only "aggravated the problem".

Dowlan was eventually sentenced in 1996 to six and a half years jail for abusing 11 boys between 1971 and 1982.

He was not thrown out of the Christian Brothers order until 2008……

DPP v Bales [2015] VSCA 261, Supreme Court of Victoria, Court of Appeal, 18 September 2015, extension of the six year sentence imposed on 27 March 2015:

60 When added to the sentence imposed in respect of the first set of offences, the total term of imprisonment is 14 years and 11 months, with a non-parole period of 9 years and 8 months. In our opinion, bearing in mind the mitigating factors referred to, this is a proportionate sentence for 50 offences committed over about 15 years against 31 young boys who were entitled to expect that their teacher and religious instructor would not dishonour his position of trust towards them in the way he did.

Family And Community Development Committee, Inquiry into the handling of child abuse by religious and other organisations, Melbourne 3 May 2013:

As Mr O’Brien highlighted on Monday in his question relating to another witness, he said: The principal and grade 6 teacher was convicted paedophile Christian Brother Robert Charles Best. The grade 5 teacher was convicted paedophile Christian Brother Stephen Francis Farrell. The grade 5 teacher in 1971, before Farrell, was convicted paedophile Christian Brother Edward Vernon Dowlan. The grade 3 teacher was alleged paedophile Christian Brother Fitzgerald, who passed away before any charges were laid. The St Alipius Primary School chaplain and assistant Catholic priest was convicted paedophile Gerald Francis Ridsdale.

So it is evident that in the 1970s, when these men were teaching at St Alipius in Ballarat, there were paedophiles that were engaged in the abuse of children and, as I said, the chaplain attached was also a paedophile. It appears that the only person who was working at that time who did not offend against children was the sole female lay teacher……
________________________________________

Excerpts from evidence given by Cardinal-Prefect George Pell on Day 159Day 161 and [sic] Day 163 of the Royal Commission into Institutional Responses to Child Sexual Abuse:

Q. Some of the Brothers who were at the school when you were assistant priest, Brother Dowlan?
A. Yes, I remember Dowlan, not –
Q. I beg your pardon, I'm sorry, Cardinal; you remember Dowlan but?
A. But not well. Not extensively, but I certainly knew him…..

Q. When did you first hear of Christian Brothers in Ballarat offending against children?
A. That's a very good question. Perhaps in the early 1970s I heard things about Dowlan.
Q. What did you hear about Dowlan?
A. I heard that there were problems at St Pat's College.
Q. What sort of problems?
A. Unspecified, but harsh discipline and possibly other infractions also.
Q. When you say "possibly other infractions", you mean of a sexual nature?
A. I do.
Q. Who did you hear that from?
A. Once again, it's difficult to recall accurately. I could have heard it from one or two of the students and certainly I think one or two of the priests mentioned that there were problems and some of them believed they were very - because of harsh discipline.
Q. And the problems described to you were problems of a sexual kind with children?
A. None of the activities were described to me, they were just referred to briefly.
Q. But you answered the question of, "When you say possibly other infractions, you mean of a sexual nature?", you agreed with that proposition?
A. Yes, that was a - that's correct.
Q. And it could only have been sexual with children, couldn't it?
A. That's correct, with minors.
Q. When you heard about those problems, did you do anything with that information?
A. It was, they were - it was unspecific, but in fact I did; I mentioned to the school chaplain, a priest whom I greatly respected, I said, "There is talk about problems at St Pat's College with Dowlan", and I said, "Is there any truth in them?" He said, "Yes, there are problems, certainly discipline problems, but I think the Brothers have got the matter in hand". And in fact, he left at the end of 1974…..

Q. Did you hear about what happened to Dowlan, if anything, after those people you've described came to you?
A. I heard he had left, I had no recollection of where he went until I started to prepare for this.
Q. Was it your understanding that he left not long after those problems had emerged?
A. That is my understanding, and I think that is what in fact happened, I think.
Q. Did you draw the conclusion that he left because of the allegations of sexual impropriety with minors?
A. Yes, I didn't know the nature of those, whether they were indiscretions or crimes.
Q. Did his leaving say anything to you about the likelihood those allegations were true?
A. Well, I certainly concluded there must have been - he must have been, at the very minimum, unwise and imprudent, at the very minimum…..

Q. Who spoke to you about Dowlan?
A. It was a St Pat's boy.
Q. Just one?
A. A fellow at the school. Yes, one that I remember.
Q. So there might have been more than one, but you particularly remember that one?
A. I remember one in particular.
Q. Do you remember his name? I'm not asking you to say it at the moment, but do you remember his name?
A. Yes, I do, and he recollected it years later, but I remembered him as a good and honest lad and I didn't think he'd be telling - I couldn't remember the actual incident, but I didn't think he'd be telling lies….

Q. Did you understand that the allegations that you indicated were told to you were admitted or otherwise by Brother Dowlan?
A. No, I didn't know what his response was other than eventually the effect.
Q. The effect being that he was moved?
A. Correct.
Q. And did you know whether that was to another - I'm sorry, Cardinal?
A. I - I would say that in the light of my present 39 understandings, although - I would concede I should have done more.
Q. What do you now say you should have done?
A. Well, I should have consulted Brother Nangle and just ensured that the matter was properly treated.
Q. Can you tell us why you didn't do that?
A. Because, one, I didn't think of it and, when I was told that they were dealing with it, at that time I was quite content……

Q. Did you tell the Bishop?
A. No, I did not.
Q. Can you tell us why you didn't tell the Bishop about this issue?
A. Firstly, because it came under the control of the 8 Christian Brothers and I was told that they were dealing with it.
Q. You were the Bishop's representative in relation to education, weren't you?
A. I - I was. 
Q. But you say that, even in that role, you didn't feel any necessity or responsibility to tell the Bishop about this problem?
A. No, I - I didn't. I - I certainly would not have presumed that he definitely would not have known, but anyhow, I didn't. I regret that I didn't do more at that stage……

Q. And you said in your evidence, transcript page 16241: He -- Being the boy who complained to you -- recollected it years later, but I remembered him as a good and honest lad and I didn't think he'd be telling - I couldn't remember the actual incident, but I didn't think he'd be telling lies . Do you mean to say by that that you didn't have a recollection about it until he told you?
A. I didn't have a recollection of him speaking to me very briefly and fleetingly about an accusation about Dowlan.
 Q. When did this boy come to you and complain to you about Dowlan?
A. He never came to me and complained. We happened to be together and he just mentioned it in passing.
Q. When did he come to tell you about this complaint? When did you come to know that this complaint had been made, or these conversations –
A. He just mentioned it casually in conversation. He never asked me to do anything. It wasn't technically - well, I suppose it was technically a complaint, a lament, but entirely different from this alleged event, of which I had no part…..

THE CHAIR: Q. Cardinal, what did that boy say to you?
A. He - he said something like, "Dowlan is misbehaving with - with boys."
Q. That was a very serious matter to be raised with you, wasn't it?
A. Yes, in - that is - that is the case.
Q. What did you do about it?
A. I - I didn't do anything about it.
Q. Should you have done something about it?
A. Well, I eventually did. I eventually inquired of the school chaplain.
Q. What about at the time you received the allegation from the boy, didn't it occur to you --
A. It would have been fairly close together.
Q. Well, you didn't go straight to the school and say, "I've got this allegation, what's going on?"
A. No, I didn't.
Q. Should you have?
A. With the experience of 40 years later, certainly I would agree that I should have - should have done more.
Q. Why do you need the experience of 40 years later? Wasn't it a serious matter then?
A. Yes, but people had a different attitude then. There were no specifics about the activity, how serious it was, and the boy wasn't asking me to do anything about it, but just lamenting and mentioning it.
Q. Cardinal, you and I –
A. It was quite unspecific.
Q. Cardinal, you and I have had this discussion on more than one occasion. Why was it necessary for people to ask you to do something, rather than for you to accept the information and initiate your own response?
A. Obviously, that - that is not - not the case, and my responsibilities as an Auxiliary Bishop and the director of an educational institute, an Archbishop, obviously I was more aware of those obligations in those situations than I was as a young cleric, but I don't - I don't - I don't excuse my comparative lack of activity, the fact that I only went to the school chaplain and inquired what was the truth of these rumours……

Q. And as late as last week, the headmaster at 5 St Patrick's College in 1973/74, Brother Nangle, denied any knowledge or denied having received any complaint or knowing of any rumours associated with alleged molestation or sexual offences against children by Dowlan. Are you aware of that?
A. I - I haven't studied the evidence in detail, but I am aware of that.
Q. And he was interviewed by a number of officers from the insurance companies, he was interviewed by police officers and by lawyers all the way until 2004 and, again, in every single instance he denied having any knowledge, denied having received any complaint about Dowlan's molestation of children; do you understand that?
A. I - yes.
Q. So why on earth, Cardinal, didn't you take the information that you had about the complaint that had been made to you by this St Patrick's school boy in 1973 to the police, to the investigators, to the insurance companies or to the Christian Brothers themselves? Why do we hear about it this week for the first time?
A. That is because I had no idea that the Christian Brothers were covering up in the way in which it's now apparent, and I did - as I repeat again, I mentioned it to the principal and he said the matter was being looked after, and I presumed that it was being looked after appropriately, not just denied. 
Q. You had essential –
A. And this man –
Q. You had –
A. I'm sorry, the only other thing.
Q. Go ahead.
A. May I just say, by way of completion, and also I was aware that at the end of that year Dowlan was shifted. Now, in the light of subsequent events, that was radically insufficient, but at that time that was regarded - given the unspecified nature of the accusations, I thought that was - well, that was something that was fair enough.
Q. Well, Dowlan went on to sexually abuse children in a teaching capacity all the way through to 1985 - dozens of them. Do you understand that?
A. I do.
Q. You could have done something which would have put a stop to that, potentially, couldn't you?  
A. No, with due respect, I think that's a vast overstatement. I did take the opportunity to ascertain the reliability of the rumours. I was told that there was something in them and that it was being dealt with…..
________________________________________

During the course of those four days of video links between Rome and Sydney, the Royal Commissioner appeared at times sceptical of George Pell’s frequent memory loss and constant denials of responsibility, Counsel Assisting often found his answers implausible and aimed at deflecting blame, a lawyer for one victim suggested that Pell was lying under oath to protect his own reputation and, victims who were in Rome to witness the cardinal giving evidence were not impressed.

So it came as no surprise to find the Vatican rushing to defend Pell and its own response to the sexual abuse of children in the Catholic school system:

04.03.2016
Vatican City, 4 March 2016 – The director of the Holy See Press Office, Fr. Federico Lombardi, S.J., today issued the following note regarding the protection of minors from sexual abuse:
"The depositions of Cardinal Pell before the Royal Commission as part of its inquiry carried out by live connection between Australia and Rome, and the contemporary presentation of the Oscar award for best film to 'Spotlight', on the role of the Boston Globe in denouncing the cover-up of crimes by numerous paedophile priests in Boston (especially during the years 1960 to 1980) have been accompanied by a new wave of attention from the media and public opinion on the dramatic issue of sexual abuse of minors, especially by members of the clergy.
The sensationalist presentation of these two events has ensured that, for a significant part of the public, especially those who are least informed or have a short memory, it is thought that the Church has done nothing, or very little, to respond to these terrible problems, and that it is necessary to start anew. Objective consideration shows that this is not the case. The previous archbishop of Boston resigned in 2002 following the events considered in “Spotlight” (and after a famous meeting of American cardinals convoked in Rome by Pope John Paul II in April 2002), and since 2003 (that is, for 13 years) the archdiocese has been governed by Cardinal Sean O’Malley, universally known for his rigour and wisdom in confronting the issue of sexual abuse, to the extent of being appointed by the Pope as one of his advisers and as president of the Commission instituted by the Holy Father for the protection of minors.
The tragic events of sexual abuse in Australia, too, have been the subject of inquiries and legal and canonical procedures for many years. When Pope Benedict XVI visited Sydney for World Youth Day in 2008 (eight years ago), he met with a small group of victims at the seat of the archdiocese governed by Cardinal Pell, since the issue was also of great importance at the time and the archbishop considered a meeting of this type to be very timely.
Merely to offer an idea of the attention with which these problems have been followed, the section of the Vatican website dedicated to 'Abuse of minors: the Church’s response', established around ten years ago, contains over 60 documents and interventions.
The courageous commitment of the Popes to facing the crises that subsequently emerged in various situations and countries – such as the United States, Ireland, Germany, Belgium and Holland, and in the Legionaries of Christ – has been neither limited nor indifferent. The universal procedures and canonical norms have been renewed; guidelines have been required and drawn up by the Episcopal Conferences, not only to respond to abuses committed but also to ensure adequate prevention measures; apostolic visitations have taken place to intervene in the most serious situations; and the Congregation of the Legionaries has been radically reformed. These are all actions intended to respond fully and with far-sightedness to a wound that has manifested itself with surprising and devastating gravity, especially in certain regions and certain periods. Benedict XVI’s Letter to the Irish faithful in March 2010 probably remains the most eloquent document of reference, relevant beyond Ireland, for understanding the attitude and the legal, pastoral and spiritual response of the Popes to these upheavals in the Church in our time; recognition of the grave errors committed and a request for forgiveness, priority action and justice for victims, conversion and purification, commitment to prevention and renewed human and spiritual formation.
The encounters held by Benedict XVI and Francis with groups of victims have accompanied this by now long road with the example of listening, the request for forgiveness, consolation and the direct involvement of the Popes.
In many countries the results of this commitment to renewal are comforting; cases of abuse have become very rare and therefore the majority of those considered nowadays and which continue to come to light belong to a relatively distant past of several decades ago. In other countries, usually due to very different cultural contexts that are still characterised by silence, much remains to be done and there is no lack of resistance and difficulties, but the road to follow has become clearer.
The constitution of the Commission for the protection of minors announced by Pope Francis in December 2013, made up of members from every continent, indicates how the path of the Catholic Church has matured. After establishing and developing internally a decisive response to the problems of sexual abuse of minors (by priests or other ecclesial workers), it is necessary to face systematically the problem of how to respond not only to the problem in every part of the Church, but also more broadly how to help the society in which the Church lives to face the problems of abuse of minors, given that – as we should all be aware, even though there is still a significant reluctance to admit this – in every part of the world the overwhelming majority of cases of abuse take place not in ecclesiastical contexts, but rather outside them (in Asia, for instance, tens of millions of minors are abused, certainly not in a Catholic context).
In summary, the Church, wounded and humiliated by the wound of abuse, intends to react not only to heal herself, but also to make her difficult experience in this field available to others, to enrich her educational and pastoral service to society as a whole, which generally still has a long path to take to realise the seriousness of these problems and to deal with them.
From this perspective the events in Rome of the last few days may be interpreted in a positive light. Cardinal Pell must be accorded the appropriate acknowledgement for his dignified and coherent personal testimony (twenty hours of dialogue with the Royal Commission), from which yet again there emerges an objective and lucid picture of the errors committed in many ecclesial environments (this time in Australia) during the past decades. This is certainly useful with a view to a common 'purification of memory'. {my red bolding}
Recognition is also due to many members of the group of victims who came from Australia for demonstrating their willingness to establish constructive dialogue with Cardinal Pell and with the representative of the Commission for the protection of minors, Fr. Hans Zollner S.J., of the Pontifical Gregorian University, with whom they further developed prospects for effective commitment to the prevention of abuse.
If the appeals subsequent to 'Spotlight' and the mobilisation of victims and organisations on the occasion of the depositions of Cardinal Pell are able to contribute to supporting and intensifying the long march in the battle against abuse of minors in the universal Catholic Church and in today’s world (where the dimensions of these tragedies are endless), then they are welcome.


FOOTNOTE

Vatican on the Purification Of Memory:


Liberation from the weight of this responsibility comes above all through imploring God’s forgiveness for the wrongs of the past, and then, where appropriate, through the “purification of memory” culminating in a mutual pardoning of sins and offenses in the present.
Purifying the memory means eliminating from personal and collective conscience all forms of resentment or violence left by the inheritance of the past, on the basis of a new and rigorous historical-theological judgement, which becomes the foundation for a renewed moral way of acting. This occurs whenever it becomes possible to attribute to past historical deeds a different quality, having a new and different effect on the present, in view of progress in reconciliation in truth, justice, and charity among human beings…..