Showing posts with label middle class welfare. Show all posts
Showing posts with label middle class welfare. Show all posts
Wednesday, 7 February 2018
CENTRELINK ROBO-DEBT: the nightmare continues
Given that the Turnbull Government continues to
apply a faulty algorithm to Centrelink
debt collection in 2018, private debt collectors remain financially incentivised
to aggressively chase debts which may not actually exist, former welfare
recipients may still receive debt recovery fee demands and government intends
to expand collection to other groups/forms of declared income, while Minister for Human Services Alan Tudge
is yet to fix the problems with ‘phone wait times, perhaps a reminder of what
the title Online Compliance Intervention actually
hides and what the alternative term robo-debt describes……..
Cory Doctorow writing in Boing
Boing, 1 February 2018:
In
a textbook example of the use of big data to create a digital poorhouse, as
described in Virginia Eubanks's excellent new book Automating
Inequality, the Australian government created an algorithmic,
semi-privatised system to mine the financial records of people receiving
means-tested benefits and accuse them of fraud on the basis of its findings,
bringing in private contractors to build and maintain the system and collect
the penalties it ascribed, paying them a commission on the basis of how much
money they extracted from poor Australians.
The
result was a predictable kafkaesque nightmare in which an unaccountable black
box accused poor people, students, pensioners, disabled people and others
receiving benefits of owing huge sums, sending abusive, threatening debt
collectors after them, and placing all information about the accusations of
fraud at the other end of a bureaucratic nightmare system of overseas phone-bank
operators with insane wait-times.
GillianTerzis writing in Logic,
a magazine about technology, 2017:
Automation
is dehumanizing in a literal sense: it removes human experience from the
equation. In the case of the robo-debt scandal, automation also stripped humans
of their narrative power. The algorithm that generated these debt notices
presented welfare recipients with contrasting stories: the recipients claimed
they’d followed the rules, but the computer said otherwise.
There
were few official ways to explain one’s circumstances: twenty-nine million
calls to Centrelink went unanswered in 2016, and Centrelink’s Twitter account
seems explicitly designed to discourage conversational exchange. One source of
narrative resistance is notmydebt.com.au, a website run entirely by volunteers
that gathers false debt stories from ordinary Australians so that the “scandal
can't be plausibly minimised or denied.”
Over
time it was revealed that many of these debts were miscalculated or, in some
cases, non-existent. One man I’d read about was on a government pension and
saddled with a $4,500 bill, which was revised down months later to $65. Another
recipient, who was on disability as a result of mental illness, had a debt
notice of $80,000 that was later recalled. A small proportion of recipients
were exclusively in contact with private debt collectors and received no
official notice from Centrelink at all.
Soon
it emerged that social services were a lucrative avenue for corporate
interests: this year’s Senate inquiry revealed that some private agencies
tasked with recouping debts were working on a commission basis, pocketing a
percentage of the debts they had recovered for the government regardless of
their validity. (All debt notices issued by private agencies were eventually
rescinded after government review in February 2017.)
The
methodology of the algorithm itself was riddled with flaws. It calculates the
average of an individual’s annual income reported to the Australian Tax Office …..and
compares it with the fortnightly earnings reported to Centrelink by the welfare
recipient. All welfare recipients are required to declare their gross earnings
(income accrued before tax and other deductions) within this fourteen-day
period. Any discrepancy between the two figures is interpreted by the algorithm
as proof of undeclared or underreported income, from which a notice of debt is
automatically generated.
Previously,
these inconsistencies would be handled by Centrelink staff, who would call up
your employer, confirm the amount you received in fortnightly payments, and
cross-index that figure with the one calculated in the system. But the
automation of the debt recovery process has outsourced authority from humans to
the algorithm itself.
It’s
certainly efficient: it takes the algorithm one week to generate 20,000 debt
notices, a process that would take up to a year if done manually. But it’s not
a reliable method of fraud detection. It’s blunt, unwieldy, and error-prone. It
assumes that variations in the data sets are deliberate, and that recipients
have received more than what they are entitled to. What’s more, the onus is on
the welfare recipient to prove their income has been reported correctly and
that the entitlements they have received are commensurate within twenty-one
days.
Yet,
as many critics have noted, this income-averaging method is porous. It fails to
accurately account for the fluctuating fortunes of casual or contract workers,
which often results in variations between the two figures. There’s also no way
for the algorithm to correct for basic errors in the system’s database. It
cannot yet discern whether an employer’s legal name has been used instead of
its various business names—it treats them as separate entities, and therefore
separate sources of income—or whether conflicting reports are caused by basic
mistakes, such as spelling errors or typos. These seemingly small distinctions
are ones that only a human could make. It’s no wonder, then, that conservative
estimates of its error rate hover at 20 percent……
Yet
the irony of stigmatizing welfare recipients is that better-off Australians are
major beneficiaries of social spending. The Australian writer Tim Winton notes
that the country’s middle class has “an increasing sense of entitlement to
welfare,” which is “duly disbursed largely at the expense of the poor, the
sick, and the unemployed.” These include tax concessions on contributions to
“superannuation,” which are funds designed to help Australians save for their
retirement. Such concessions are distortionary: they’re levied at a flat rate
of 15 percent, rather than at a progressive rate according to one’s income,
which means their benefits are reaped overwhelmingly by the rich.
The
Australian Bureau of Statistics calculates that nearly one third of these concessions
are claimed by the top 10 percent of income earners in Australia. Then there
are policies like negative gearing, a tax concession that allows you to claim a
deduction against your wage income for losses generated by any rental
properties you own. (Australia and New Zealand are the only countries in the
world to hold such a policy.) In addition, Australian homeowners are entitled
to a capital gains tax discount of 50 percent once the property is sold.
Critics
have argued that the combination of these two policies only serves to fuel
investor speculation, entrench housing unaffordability, and lock first-time
home buyers out of the market. But it’s easier to attack the poor than to tax
the rich.
Commonwealth Ombudsman, Centrelink’s
Automated Debt Raising And Recovery System: A Report About The Department Of Human
Services’ Online Compliance Intervention System For Debt Raising And Recovery, April 2017:
EXECUTIVE
SUMMARY
In
July 2016 the Department of Human Services (DHS) - Centrelink launched a new
online compliance intervention (OCI) system for raising and recovering debts.
The OCI matches the earnings recorded on a customer’s Centrelink record with
historical employer-reported income data from the Australian Taxation Office
(ATO). Parts of the debt raising process previously done manually by compliance
officers within DHS are now done using this automated process. Customers are
asked to confirm or update their income using the online system. If the
customer does not engage with DHS either online or in person, or if there are
gaps in the information provided by the customer, the system will fill the gaps
with a fortnightly income figure derived from the ATO income data for the
relevant employment period (‘averaged’ data).
Since the initial rollout of the
OCI, the Commonwealth Ombudsman’s office has received many complaints from
people who have incurred debts under the OCI. This report examines our concerns
with the implementation of the OCI, using complaints we investigated as case
study examples.
We acknowledge the changes DHS has made to the OCI since its
initial rollout. The changes have been positive and have improved the usability
and accessibility of the system. However, we consider there are several areas
where further improvements could be made, particularly before use of the OCI is
expanded. We have made several recommendations to address these areas......
Planning
and risk management
In
our view, many of the OCI’s implementation problems could have been mitigated
through better project planning and risk management at the outset. This includes
more rigorous user testing with customers and service delivery staff, a more
incremental rollout, and better communication to staff and stakeholders. DHS’
project planning did not ensure all relevant external stakeholders were
consulted during key planning stages and after the full rollout of the OCI.
This is evidenced by the extent of confusion and inaccuracy in public
statements made by key non-government stakeholders, journalists and
individuals.
A
key lesson for agencies and policy makers when proposing to rollout large scale
measures which require people to engage in a new way with new digital channels,
is for agencies to engage with stakeholders and provide resources for adequate
manual support during transition periods. We have recommended DHS undertake a
comprehensive evaluation of the OCI in its current form before it is
implemented further and any future rollout should be done incrementally.
Centrelink website, 5 February 2018:
If you don’t pay your
debt by the due date, we may ask the Australian Taxation Office (ATO) to send
us your tax refund. If we do we’ll send you a Recovery of your Centrelink debt
letter.
If you aren’t repaying
your debt over time or if we haven’t agreed to extend the payment time, we may
also:
* add an interest charge
to your debt
* refer your debt to an
external collection agency
* reduce your income
support payments to help pay the amount owing
* recover the amount
from your wages, other income and assets, including money you may hold in a
bank account
* refer your case to our
solicitors for legal action
* issue a Departure
Prohibition Order to stop you from travelling overseas....
The rate of interest we apply to your
debt is consistent with the current rate applied by the ATO to tax debts.
Tuesday, 24 October 2017
News Corp joins Turnbull Government in bashing welfare recipients yet again
A report released by the Federal Government's Australian Institute of Health and Welfare [AIHW] on 19 October 2017 states that welfare spending in 2016 reached 9.5 per cent of Australia's Gross Domestic Product (GDP) having been increasing on average by 0.09 per cent or est. $4 billion annually over the last ten financial years.
Some of this increase is inevitably due to population growth over the same period - between 2006 and 2016 the national population grew by 3.18 million people to reach a population total of 24.20 million.
However, the media suitably primed began to discuss welfare costs principally in terms of cash transfers to Centrelink clients.
But does such discussion take in the whole picture of welfare costs in this country?
According to the Australian Taxation Office (ATO) there are a large number of concessions, offsets and rebates available to working and retired individuals, active businesses, family trusts and superannuation funds.
These can reduce the annual tax payable by an individual, business, trust or fund – sometimes as low as zero dollars.
Along with universal education and health services, Centrelink and Veterans’ Affairs pensions, benefits, and concessions; these ATO concessions, offsets and rebates are a form of government welfare.
So when the Murdoch media trumpet statistics like “Last year, more than 733,000 people received unemployment benefits, costing $10 billion” with est. 68 per cent of recipients moving off this payment within a year - remember that Australian Government tariff, budgetary assistance and tax concessions to primary, mining, manufacturing and services industries totalled $15.1 billion in 2015-16 and, based on past performance, an estimated 33 per cent of all businesses would probably have paid zero tax in that year.
Put simply, Australian Government welfare directed at industry cost taxpayers est. $41.3 million per day in 2015-16.
And when these same News Corp megaphones go on to state that “more than 100,000 jobseekers who were on the dole for at least five years had cost taxpayers $15 billion over the past decade” – readers might like to recall that the Australian Government spent in the vicinity of est. $96 billion on industry assistance in the six years commencing 2010-11 and ending 2015-16.
[Australian Government, Productivity Commission Annual Report Series, Trade & Assistance Review 2015-16]
If a similar level of government assistance were to continue for another four financial years then government welfare received by industry would reach est. $156 billion over ten years.
That's over ten times the quoted amount in welfare payments outlaid on the long term unemployed in a decade.
However, when the likes of Liberal Minister for Human Services Alan Tudge, Liberal Minister for Social Services Christian Porter, Liberal Senator Eric Abetz or One Nation Leader Pauline Hanson talk about the cost of government welfare programs they rather strangely neglect to look at the full range of federal government financial assistance across all sectors of the economy – preferring instead to target vulnerable groups of people with little ability to fight back against their distorted, punitive and highly politicised world views.
Wednesday, 11 May 2016
Australian Federal Election 2016: the pain that awaits under a second Abbott-Turnbull Government
If there is a second term for this Abbott-Turnbull federal government it will be one characterized by high public debt and increased borrowings.
With a taxation revenue stream that has been deliberately limited by a $4 billion dollar giveaway to people whose level of earned income already cushions them from the realities experienced by average and low income households and, a further $48.4 billion hit to the revenue bottom line so that government can cut the company tax rate of an est. 2.121 million businesses - 70 per cent of whom don't paid the full rate anyway.
To keep their ship afloat Turnbull & Co would need to implement all those punitive Abbott-era cuts that were predominately aimed at working class households.
Which means among other things, an extension of the 2013-14 indexation freeze on Medicare rebates paid to specialist doctors, GPs and allied health professionals in an attempt to force them to pass on the shortfall to patients as a co-payment. As well as the introduction on 1 July 2016 of upfront payments for x-ray, imaging and pathology services.
Eligibility for Family Tax Benefits will be tightened and government paid parental leave payment rules will be changed to exclude more mothers.
The regressive Good & Services Tax (GST) has also been broaden so that from 1 July 2016 goods purchased overseas via the Internet will attract this tax.
From September this year anyone 22 years and over applying for Newstart Allowance will receive payment at a lower rate - each fortnightly cash transfer for a single unemployed person (with no children) will be $8.80 less and for unemployed couples (with no children) it will be $15.80 less.
This means that a single person eligible to receive Newstart who applies in September will only have an est. $259.40 per week on which to live and look for work, while couples will only receive an est. $468.50 each week. With average rents in the Sydney metropolitan area ranging between $500-$530 at the beginning of this year, rental stress is likely to increase in unemployed households.
Which means among other things, an extension of the 2013-14 indexation freeze on Medicare rebates paid to specialist doctors, GPs and allied health professionals in an attempt to force them to pass on the shortfall to patients as a co-payment. As well as the introduction on 1 July 2016 of upfront payments for x-ray, imaging and pathology services.
Eligibility for Family Tax Benefits will be tightened and government paid parental leave payment rules will be changed to exclude more mothers.
The regressive Good & Services Tax (GST) has also been broaden so that from 1 July 2016 goods purchased overseas via the Internet will attract this tax.
From September this year anyone 22 years and over applying for Newstart Allowance will receive payment at a lower rate - each fortnightly cash transfer for a single unemployed person (with no children) will be $8.80 less and for unemployed couples (with no children) it will be $15.80 less.
This means that a single person eligible to receive Newstart who applies in September will only have an est. $259.40 per week on which to live and look for work, while couples will only receive an est. $468.50 each week. With average rents in the Sydney metropolitan area ranging between $500-$530 at the beginning of this year, rental stress is likely to increase in unemployed households.
Liberal and Nationals federal politicians are denying that they are conducting "class warfare" yet large tax cuts are going to the top 25 per cent of income earners and will eventually will be extended to businesses with annual turnovers in the billions of dollars, while the economically and socially vulnerable are told they deserve less.
Indeed spatial demographics demonstrate the Coalition's further widening of social and economic division in this country.
While The Guardian on 7 May reported that, in the relatively lower socio-economic status regional electorate of Page on the NSW Far North Coast, 94.2% of taxpayers would miss out on that same cut in the tax rate because their taxable income was below $80,000 a year. Similarly, neighbouring Richmond and Cowper electorates would see 92.3% and 94.0% respectively missing out on the tax cut.
Indeed spatial demographics demonstrate the Coalition's further widening of social and economic division in this country.
On 6 May 2016 The Age revealed that the biggest proportion of income earners who will benefit fully from these personal income tax cuts are in Prime Minister Turnbull's high socio-economic status electorate of Wentworth, where more than a third will have more in their pockets after tax. With the western Sydney electorate
of Fowler having the nation's lowest proportion of taxpayers who qualify for the tax
cut. In its suburbs of Liverpool, Cabramatta and Green Valley, just one in 20
earners have a taxable income higher than the new tax threshold.
While The Guardian on 7 May reported that, in the relatively lower socio-economic status regional electorate of Page on the NSW Far North Coast, 94.2% of taxpayers would miss out on that same cut in the tax rate because their taxable income was below $80,000 a year. Similarly, neighbouring Richmond and Cowper electorates would see 92.3% and 94.0% respectively missing out on the tax cut.
A brief look at what to expect..........
Parliamentary Budget Office, 10 March 2016:
Unlegislated
measures carried forward in the budget estimates—February 2016 update. Date
issued: 3 February 2016. Date revised: 12: 30pm, 10 March 2016
The
Sydney Morning Herald,
2 May 2016:
The first Turnbull budget will be
propped up by about $13 billion of so-called "zombie measures", which
are still on the books from the first and second Abbott budgets but have not
yet been passed by the Senate.
A parliamentary budget office count
for the coming financial year puts the "ghost" measures at $1.7
billion. The biggest are the $600 million from planned cuts to access to Family
Tax Benefits, $258 million from the outlawing of alleged double-dipping of
maternity leave schemes, and $139 million from increasing co-payments and
changing the safety net for the Pharmaceutical Benefits Scheme.
2016-17
Budget Papers, Statement
6: Debt Statement, Assets and Liabilities, 3 May 2016:
Net debt is expected to be
$326.0 billion (18.9 per cent of GDP) in 2016‑17. Net debt is
projected to peak at 19.2 per cent of GDP in 2017‑18, before
declining over the medium term to a projected 9.1 per cent of GDP
($264 billion) in 2026-27.The end-of-year face value of
Commonwealth Government Securities (CGS) on issue subject to the Treasurer's
Direction [government borrowing] is expected to be $497 billion
in 2016‑17 and is expected to increase to $581 billion in 2019-20. By the
end of the medium term (2026‑27) the total face value of CGS on issue is
projected to rise to $640 billion.
2016-17
Budget Papers, Statement
4: Revenue, 3 May 2016:
The 2016-17 Budget forecasts for tax
receipts, excluding new policy, have been revised down since the 2015-16 MYEFO
by $4.6 billion in 2016-17 and $13.5 billion over the four years to 2018-19.
Excluding GST, tax receipts are forecast to be $4.6 billion lower in 2016-17
and $14.2 billion lower over the four years to 2018-19…..
the forecast for nominal GDP has been
revised down by $27.5 billion over the four years to 2018-19….
In 2016-17, tax receipts as a share of
GDP are expected to be 22.2 per cent, lower than the 2015-16 MYEFO estimate of
22.5 per cent.
Financial
Review, 3 May
2016:
The government will spend almost $4
billion over the next four years to stop 500,000 taxpayers moving into the
second-highest tax bracket…..
2016-17 Budget Papers Part 1: Revenue Measures, 3 May 2016:
The GST will be extended to low value goods imported by consumers from 1 July 2017….
The intent of this measure is that low value goods imported by consumers will face the same tax regime as goods that are sourced domestically.
Overseas suppliers that have an Australian turnover of $75,000 or more will be required to register for, collect and remit GST for low value goods supplied to consumers in Australia, using a vendor registration model.
The
Guardian, 4
May 2016:
Asked about the plan to increase the
threshold at which the 37% tax bracket kicks in from $80,000 to $87,000 – a tax
cut of a bit over $300 a year for the top 25% of earners – the prime
minister, Malcolm Turnbull, told ABC radio that even if it was not legislated
when he called the federal election at the end of the week it would be
implemented "administratively".
The Sydney Morning Herald, 4 May 2016:
On Tuesday the federal government announced it will increase the tobacco excise by 12.5 per cent a year for the next four years.
The plan will cause the price of a packet of 25 cigarettes to rise to about $40, up from $25 today.
ABC
News, 5 May
2016:
Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull has
refused to confirm the 10-year cost of the proposal to cut tax for all firms to
25 per cent over a decade.
The Parliamentary Budget Office (PBO)
has estimated the proposal, which will be phased in over time and benefit small
and medium-sized businesses first, will cost $16.5 billion a year in 2026-27. However, during an
interview with Sky News, Mr Turnbull would not confirm that figure, despite
being asked more than a dozen times for an explanation.
The
Australian, 6
May 2016:
Treasury has revealed a hit to revenue
of $48.2 billion over 10 years from the Coalition’s plan to cut company taxes….
The government policy starts by
cutting the company tax rate to 27.5 per cent to all companies with a turnover
of up to $10 million, taking effect from July….
will be extended to bigger companies
year by year, followed by several years of cutting the overall rate to 25 per
cent for all companies.
Payment rates for Newstart Allowance…..
The
Sydney Morning Herald,
7 May 2016:
Anyone who signs up for welfare
from September 20 will get less than those already on it, creating a
two-tiered payments system…..
The government is removing an "energy supplement"
Newstart Allowance payments have steadily decreased in relative terms over the past two decades to less than 40 per cent of the minimum wage……
Newstart Allowance payments have steadily decreased in relative terms over the past two decades to less than 40 per cent of the minimum wage……
The cut comes as
national youth unemployment is nearly 13 per cent.
Centrelink, 7 May 2016:
Payment rates for Newstart Allowance…..
single, no children $527.60 [per fortnight]
[couple] $952.80 [per fortnight]
The
“Your Guide To” Series: Newstart Allowance, July 2015:
[Newstart non-indexed] Rates
include Energy Supplement of $8.80 (single, no children), $7.90 (each member of
a couple) and $9.50 (single with children or over 60 after 9 months) per
fortnight.
ABC News, 14 January 2016:
The typical Sydney unit rent was $500 a week, while a house was $530 in December 2015.
14
May 2013 Suspension of MBS rebate indexation until 1 July 2014 to align
indexation with financial year, announced in 2013-2014 Federal Budget.
13
May 2014 Indexation freeze for specialists, allied health professionals, nurse
practitioners, midwives and dental surgeons MBS and DVA rebates until 30 June
2016, announced in 2014-2015 budget.
1
July 2015 Rebate indexation freeze commences…..
The
Federal Government is reducing its investment in your healthcare by freezing
your Medicare rebates. This means your Medicare rebates will remain the same
until 1 July 2018, despite the cost of services increasing. The freeze is a
co-payment by stealth and the Government has implemented this measure to reduce
the amount it spends on all Medicare subsidised services, including general
practice services. ….
Practices
where a large proportion or all services are bulk billed will be significantly
affected. The rebate freeze will have a detrimental impact on the viability of the
practice. These practices may need to consider introducing or increasing
out-of-pocket expenses to ensure the sustainability of the practice.
Individual
GPs employed by a practice may be asked by their practice to pay a larger
service fee to cover increasing practice costs.
Patients
will experience a reduction in the value of their MBS patient rebate over time.
The
impacts will be magnified for GPs and practices providing patient services in
lower socio-economic areas, where a majority of patients are from vulnerable
groups (such as pensioners, Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples and
people on very low incomes.). Many people in these areas cannot afford to meet
out-of-pocket costs for care.
Tuesday, 22 May 2012
Was Bronwyn having another bad hair day yesterday?
Not content with getting her marching orders from the House of Representatives earlier in the day, Bronwyn Bishop (the Member for Mackellar and former Minister for 'Kerosene Baths') fiddled with the truth when she spoke in the chamber later in the day yesterday.
Bronwyn Bishop (Mackellar) (18:49): ... I have had conversations with people who had abided by the previous scheme and kept their receipts and claimed them. They actually got more money back than they will get out of the cash splash, which the government has dressed up as an education bonus but requires no evidence of being spent on education at all.
Bishop was referring to the SchoolKids Bonus and what she failed to do was tell the whole story.
In a previous post clarencegirl pointed out:
"the federal government website states; The Education Tax Refund provides up to 50% back on a range of children's education expenses.
Seems Ms Bishop was speaking with well-heeled constituents who are going to miss out on the bonus because ... are you ready for the truth? ... they don't qualify for it. And why don't they qualify for it? Their earnings are such that won't get it because they don't need it.
Really, what Bishop was doing was speaking to prop up middle class welfare spending that should be given the drop-kick more often.
Bronwyn Bishop (Mackellar) (18:49): ... I have had conversations with people who had abided by the previous scheme and kept their receipts and claimed them. They actually got more money back than they will get out of the cash splash, which the government has dressed up as an education bonus but requires no evidence of being spent on education at all.
Bishop was referring to the SchoolKids Bonus and what she failed to do was tell the whole story.
In a previous post clarencegirl pointed out:
"the federal government website states; The Education Tax Refund provides up to 50% back on a range of children's education expenses.
Seems Ms Bishop was speaking with well-heeled constituents who are going to miss out on the bonus because ... are you ready for the truth? ... they don't qualify for it. And why don't they qualify for it? Their earnings are such that won't get it because they don't need it.
Really, what Bishop was doing was speaking to prop up middle class welfare spending that should be given the drop-kick more often.
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