Thursday, 3 January 2019
The Liberal Party of Australia: fighting to suppress climate science & avoiding responsibility for greenhouse gas emissions since 1996
The
Age, 1
January 2019:
The Howard government
was urged more than 20 years ago to consider an emissions trading scheme, while
its signature plans to deal with Australia's greenhouse gas emissions were
considered by its own departments to be merely aimed at deflecting global
criticism.
As the Morrison government continues to fight a
debilitating internal battle over how to deal with climate change, previously
secret papers from the 1990s reveal a suite of major government
departments said the most effective and efficient way to deal with greenhouse
gases was to impose a carbon price.
Cabinet papers from 1996
and 1997 released on Tuesday by the National Archives reveal the beginnings of
the Howard government's drawn-out response to the threat posed by rising
greenhouse gas emissions and the way some of those issues are still playing out
in the Morrison government…….
Government departments
headed by Prime Minister and Cabinet, Treasury and Foreign Affairs fleshed out
the details of a series of proposals backed by the government in September 1997
in a bid to deal with Australia's emissions.
The co-ordinating
document produced by the departments, which were aiming to finalise a package
discussed at cabinet earlier in the month, made clear the bureaucracy did not
believe the government's plans would go nearly far enough in cutting emissions
but may be sufficient to deflect international criticism.
"None of the
packages presented here would achieve the stabilisation of emissions at 1990
levels," they said.
"Rather, they are
aimed at deflecting criticism that Australia is not fully committed to reducing
its emissions."
The departments costed a
series of proposals which would ultimately become part of the government's
official response to climate change.
These included a focus
on tree plantations, encouragement for businesses to slice their emissions, the
introduction of ethanol into petrol and subsidies to boost investment in
renewable energy.
They noted Australia had
a "poor international reputation for driving fuel efficient cars",
arguing significant gains could be made by improving the nation's car
fleet.
Building codes, reform
of the energy market and investment in climate research were all encouraged.
But the departments,
which acknowledged the government's opposition to a price signal, said these
would ultimately be expensive initiatives which would not deliver a real impact
on the nation's overall emissions profile.
"The most effective
way to reduce emissions would be to combine significant price signals (either
general or sectoral increases in taxes on greenhouse producing activities),
information so firms and individuals can reduce greenhouse production,
opportunities to invest in carbon sinks and some degree of compulsion to
address areas where markets cannot be made to work effectively," they
said.
"It is generally
agreed that reductions will not happen without significant persuasion,
incentives or leadership from government."
In late 2006, Mr Howard
announced a panel would investigate an emissions trading scheme. Both the
Howard government and the Kevin Rudd-led ALP would take a trading scheme policy
to the following year's election.
But in 1997, the
government's most esteemed departments told cabinet it should consider an ETS
even if the results of the study were kept hidden from the public.
"A study of
possible emissions trading mechanisms and regulations would help position
Australia in the event that emissions trading is introduced
internationally," they said.
"This study would
not be for public announcement since it may not help our international
negotiating position if it became public knowledge."....
The
Guardian, 1
January 2018:
In June 1996, cabinet
agreed that “Australia’s overall objective in climate change negotiations
should be to safeguard our national trade and economic interests while
advancing compatible outcomes that are environmentally and economically
effective”.
While Australia
recognised “the need for effective global action on climate change”, it vowed
to pursue an international agreement that “does not contain targets which are
legally binding” and argued for differentiated, rather than uniform, reduction
targets.
The then environment
minister, Robert Hill, reported to cabinet that for the first time the
Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change scientific report had said that the
balance of scientific evidence supported the view that the changes in climate
and greenhouse gas concentrations were due to human activity.
Small island states were
proposing a 20% reduction in carbon dioxide emissions from 1990 levels by 2005.
While other time frames were being discussed, all were potentially problematic
for Australia because of its carbon-intensive economy.
Hill told the cabinet
that modelling showed Australia’s emissions from the energy sector – accounting
for half of national emissions – were projected to be 30% above 1990 levels by
2010…..
The consternation grew
further by mid-1997. A joint submission to cabinet warned of the prospect of an
“EU–US bilateral understanding for progressing climate change” at a forthcoming
G7 summit…..
The cabinet actively
considered walking away from Kyoto altogether.
It was facing publishing
its future emissions as part of the Kyoto process but modelling was now showing
that emissions from the energy sector would be 40% to 50% above 1990 levels by
2010…
The cabinet also agreed
in July to establish a climate change taskforce to advance Australia’s domestic
greenhouse gas strategies, to strengthen its bargaining stance. One option to
be explored was “domestic and international emissions trading”.
In the following months,
Treasury modelled various measures for reducing domestic emissions.
The memorandum warned
that none of its scenarios would cap carbon emissions at 1990 levels but would
achieve potential cuts of 22%.
And so began Australia’s
long and tortured debate over carbon trading schemes.
A proposal was put
forward by the Australian Greenhouse Office in 2000, but was scuttled in
cabinet; another came forward in 2003, but was vetoed by Howard.
Finally, in the dying
days of his government in December 2006, Howard announced an emissions trading
scheme, after bureaucrats convinced him it was the most efficient way to meet
Australia’s commitments.
BACKGROUND
National Archives of Australia, 1996 and 1997 – Keating
and Howard governments, Cabinet
Papers, released 1 January 2018.
The Howard Government fight against taking responsibility for Australia's own domestic greenhouse gas missions.....
See: https://recordsearch.naa.gov.au/SearchNRetrieve/NAAMedia/ShowImage.aspx?B=32709070&T=PDF. My apologies for not posting this document but current slow upload times have meant that I cannot yet display this document here.
Murray-Darling Basin Plan: a $13 billion fraud on the environment
Some home truth about the current Murray-Darling Basin Plan to remember as we enter into the morass of competeing claims in NSW State and Australian Federal election campaigns in the first half of this year....
IN THE MATTER OF THE
MURRAY-DARLING BASIN ROYAL COMMISSION, Adelaide South Australia, 23 October 2018:
MR R. BEASLEY SC, Senior
Counsel Assisting:
….Commissioner, the
Water Act and the Basin Plan have been hailed as ground-breaking reform. They
are. What this Commission has learnt, however, from the evidence it has
gathered, and from the witnesses that have informed us, is that it’s one thing
to enact transformative legislation like the Water Act and the Basin Plan, it’s
quite another thing to faithfully implement it. Sadly, the implementation of
the Basin Plan at crucial times has been characterised by a lack of attention
to the requirements of the Water Act and a near total lack of transparency in
an important sense.
Those matters have had,
and continue to have, a negative impact on the environment and probably the
economies of all the Basin Plan states but the state that will suffer the most
is the state at the end of the system, South Australia. The Water Act was a
giant national compromise. At its heart was a recognition that all of the Basin
states – Queensland, NSW, Victoria and South Australia – were taking too much
water from the system and had been for a long time. That, as a matter of
statutory fact in the Water Act, and as a matter of reality, has led to serious
degradation of the environment of the Basin. The Millennium Drought of 2000s
underscored the fact that, if nothing was done, over-allocation of the water
entitlements in the Basin would inevitably and quickly lead to irreversible
damage to the Basin environment.
The Water Act was a
response to that. It was the statutory means by which the process of
restoration and protection of environmental assets would begin. I say the Water
Act was a compromise because the Act contemplates that water will be taken from
our rivers and used consumptively for irrigation, the growing of crops and
permanent plants. Of course, also for human water needs. But it sets a limit.
That limit is that no more water can be taken beyond the point where key areas
of the environment and its ecosystems might be damaged. In an environment
that’s already degraded, that means the Water Act requires the environment to
have both enough water to restore degraded wetlands and the like and also, of
course, to maintain them.
That’s not just the
right thing to do. It’s what Australia’s international obligations require.
That task, setting a limit on the extraction of water, is to be based on the
best available science. Not guided by the best science, not informed by the
best science but based on the best available science. It also has to be
achieved by taking into account the well-known principles of ecologically
sustainable development. What the Commission has learnt from the evidence presented
to it is that the implementation of the Basin Plan, at crucial stages, has not
been based on the best available science. Further, ecologically sustainable
development has either been ignored or, in some cases, in relation to supply
measures, actually inverted.
I want to read to you a peer review of the
Guide to the Basin Plan from some international scientists in 2010 because it
demonstrates that they were well aware, even back then, of what was actually
going on in the early stages of drafting the Basin Plan. This is a peer review
report by Professor Gene Likens of the Cary Institute of Ecosystem Studies, Mr
Per Bertilsson of the Stockholm International Water Institute, Professor Asit
Biswas from the Third World Centre for Water Management and Professor John
Briscoe, Gordon McKay Professor from Harvard University. What they said was
this, in reviewing the Basin Plan, at page 34 of what became exhibit RCE38:
It is a fundamental tenet of good
governance that scientists produce facts and the government decides on values
and makes choices. We are concerned that scientists in the Murray-Darling Basin
Authority, who are working to develop the facts, may feel they are expected to
trim those so that the sustainable diversion limit will be one that is politically
acceptable. We strongly believe that this is not only inconsistent with the
basic tenets of good governance but that it is not consistent with the letter
of the Water Act. We equally strongly believe that government needs to make the
necessary trade-offs and value judgments and need to be explicit about these,
assume responsibility and make the rationale behind these judgments transparent
to the public.
If all the MDBA had been
done in the past eight years since that review was written is “trim the facts”,
that would be bad enough. But it’s worse than that. The implementation of the
Basin Plan has been marred by maladministration. By that I mean mismanagement
by those in charge of the task in the Basin Authority, its executives and its
board, and the consequent mismanagement of huge amounts of public funds. The
responsibility for that maladministration and mismanagement falls on both past
and current executives of the MDBA and its board. Again, while the whole of the
Basin environment has and will continue to suffer as a result of this, the
state whose environment will suffer the most is South Australia.
The principal task of
those implementing the Plan is to set the Basin-wide sustainable diversion
limit. How much water can be taken from the rivers before the environment
suffers? You’ve heard evidence that has been unchallenged that this task was
infected by deception, secrecy and is the political fix. The modelling it has
been said to have been based on is still not available seven years later. The
recent adjustment of the sustainable diversion limit by raising it by 605
gigalitres, on the evidence you’ve heard, is best described as a fraud on the
environment. That’s a phrase I used in opening. It was justified then. It’s
re-enforced by the evidence you’ve heard subsequently. The so-called 450
gigalitres of upwater, the water that the then South Australian Government
fought for, for this State’s environment, is highly unlikely to ever eventuate.
The constraints to the system are just one major problem in the delivery of
that water.
Like all aspects of the
implementation of the Basin Plan, efficiency measures or infrastructure
projects that form the basis of how the 450 gigalitres of water is to be attained,
and which are funded by public money, lack any reasonable form of transparency
and, as the Productivity Commission recently, and witnesses to this Commission,
have noted, are hugely more expensive and less reliable than purchasing water
entitlements. I will discuss this in detail but I will give you one quote from
an expert who can talk with real authority about the extra 450 gigalitres
proposed for South Australia under the Basin Plan. That’s the former
Commonwealth Environmental Water Holder, David Papps. In his evidence to you
said:
I would
bet my house that South Australia is not getting that water.
Mr Papps’ prediction
seems safe when one considers the proposed amendments to the Basin Plan by the
governments of NSW and Victoria concerning the 450 gigalitres that I will come
to shortly. Everything that I have just said to you is based on the views of
eminent scientists and other people who have given evidence and lodged
submissions. However, neither the Commonwealth Department of Agriculture and
Water, the Murray-Darling Basin Authority, or any Commonwealth government
agency has provided any answer to anything I have just said or to the evidence
before the Commission that I will refer to shortly. They have no answer. The
submissions provided to you very recently by the Murray-Darling Basin
Authority, and the DAWR, Department of Agriculture and Water Resources,
demonstrate, as did their unwillingness to give evidence, culminating in
proceedings to the High Court, that they do not have any answer.
The MDBA, you will
recall, were even too busy to meet you. The States also have no answer, as
demonstrated in their somewhat thin submissions to you, with the exception of
the South Australian Government. When I say the MDBA has no answer to the
expert evidence given in this Commission, I should emphasise also that it
clearly has no answer to the maladministration and unlawfulness of its
implementation of the Basin Plan. It is nevertheless a great pity that relevant
persons from the Basin Authority, and other Commonwealth agencies, were not
required to give answers to you under oath concerning the scientific evidence
the Commission gathered.
The opportunity may have
been there had the High Court decided those proceedings in your favour. I’m not
going to speculate on what the High Court would have done but, regrettably, the
South Australian Government chose not to extend your Commission in order to
provide you with the opportunity that may have been available to you to
question those relevant people. You made it clear to the South Australian
Government that was your strong preference. You advised them that the
Commission had potential witnesses that wanted to give important evidence,
evidence relevant to the South Australian environment, but only if they were
compelled by summons. In other words, they were too scared to talk about the
implementation of the Basin Plan without the force of a summons. Why the
Commission was not extended to explore these crucial matters is something upon
which you can draw inferences as you see fit. I will only say that it’s a great
opportunity lost……
Wednesday, 2 January 2019
Water theft within the Murray Darling Basin continues
— Chris Rawlins 🚙 (@ChrisBH011) December 20, 2018
Labels:
Murray-Darling Basin,
water wars
State of Play: NSW North Coast Employment Opportunities
It's a brand new year but in regional New South Wales the old issues followed us past midnight on 31 December 2018.
Employment opportunities - where will our unemployed and underemployed people find a job in 2019 and beyond?
This is how the old year ended.....
List
of summary data inNorth Coast
|
|
Data
Name
|
Data
Value
|
Unemployment
Rate (15+):
|
6.1%
|
Unemployed
(15+):
|
7,000
|
Total
jobactive Caseload (15+):
|
10,643
|
Youth
jobactive Caseload (15-24):
|
1,779
|
Mature
Age jobactive Caseload (50+):
|
3,562
|
The future appears to be a mixed bag for the NSW North Coast over the next twenty-four years.
At which point the population may have reached somewhere in the vicinity of 400,000 residents.
However, it is expected there will be a drop in employment levels across Agriculture, Forestry & Fishing on the North Coast.
While Manufacturing only grows slightly in the Richmond-Tweed region and remains static same elsewhere.
Wholesale Trade remains steady in Tweed-Richmond with up to 300 new jobs, but is projected to go backwards in Coffs Harbour-Grafton over the next 24 years.
Retail Trade is predicted to grow modestly across the North Coast, with 900 new jobs predicted.
The Accommodation and Food Services sector is expected to show unspectacular growth right across the North Coast regions with only 900 additional jobs.
Administrative and Support Services employment is projected to rise - but only by 700 jobs up to 2023 and Public Administration & Safety are only expected to add 300 jobs over that same time period.
The Education sector is expected to grow by 700 jobs.
Information, Media & Telecommunications is expected to grow by 8.4% but it will take 24 years to achieve this small improvement on May 2018 figures and barely represents an est. 100 jobs overall.
Financial and Insurance sector employment opportunities are expected to diminish across the regions, but there are expected to be 500 more jobs in the Professional, Scientific & Technical Services.
Transport, Postal & Warehousing employment is predicted to remain at near present levels.
The Mining sector is not expected to grow past May 2018 levels on the North Coast from the Clarence Valley up to the NSW-Queensland border taking in all seven Northern Rivers local government areas.
However Construction employment is expected to grow by 15-16% by 2023 across the region. This represents est. 3,000 more jobs above May 2018 numbers.
Healthcare & Social Assistance is also predicted to grow by 3,900-4,000 available positions by 2023.
See the following Labour Market Information Portal links for further employment projections for regional Australia, including the NSW North Coast:
Employment projections
for the five years to May 2023
Each year, the
Department of Jobs and Small Business produces employment projections by
industry, occupation, skill level and region for the following five-year
period. These employment projections are designed to provide a guide to the
future direction of the labour market, however, like all such exercises, they
are subject to an inherent degree of uncertainty.
The 2018 employment
projections are based on the forecasted and projected total employment growth
rates published in the 2018-19 Budget, the Labour Force Survey (LFS) data (June
2018) for total employment, and the quarterly detailed LFS data (May 2018) for
industry employment data.
Labels:
jobs,
New South Wales,
North Coast,
unemployment
Tuesday, 1 January 2019
While North Coast Voices was on its annual break….
On Christmas
Eve the Morrison Government released the following:
By the time a
reader clicks on this link, http://epbcnotices.environment.gov.au/publicnoticesreferrals/,
there will
only be 8-9 days left to submit comments.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
In what they
are now trying to pass off as an attempt at humour the Liberal National Party of Australia posted this petty, divisive Christmas
meme on their Facebook page.
LNP’s removal of this meme did little to stop the negative response on social media.
Tone deaf and abysmally stupid was the general consensus.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
The
Guardian, 26
December 2018:
A man has been shot by
police in New South Wales after he allegedly lunged at officers with
a knife, and has been taken to hospital in a critical condition.
Police were called to a
home in Waterview Heights, west of Grafton, in the early hours of Wednesday
morning following concern for the 36-year-old’s welfare.
Police said he lunged at
officers with the knife upon their arrival.
The man was flown to
Gold Coast University hospital in a critical condition.
A critical incident team
will investigate the circumstances of the incident.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Stock market volatility continued over
the Christmas break
as President Donald Trump tweets further personal attacks on the US Federal Reserve
and its personnel. Mr
Trump's latest attack heightened fears about the economy being destabilised by
a man who wants control over the Fed.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Another young child died whilst being
held in custody of US Customs and Border Protection. Eight year-old Felix Alonzo-Gomez died on December 25th after a medical diagnosis of
“common cold” proved inaccurate. The boy's death follows that of 7 year old Jakelin Caal Maquin, 7, also of Guatemala, who died in Border patrol custody earlier this month.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
SBS News, 26 December 2018:
The Coalition could be
at risk of losing 24 seats at the next federal election, including those of six
frontbenchers, according to a Newspoll quarterly analysis. The analysis,
published in The Australian, reveals the government has failed to claw back
electoral ground from Labor in both regional and metropolitan seats. While
Prime Minister Scott Morrison remains ahead of Bill Shorten as preferred
leader, his satisfaction ratings have dropped into the negatives.
According to this
Newspoll survey analysis covering 25 October to 9 December 2018, 45% of voters over
50 years of age dissatisfied with Australian Prime Minster Scott Morrison’s
performance.
On a
two-party preferred basis, polling stands at Labor 53 and Lib-Nats Coalition
47.
Rumours of an
early March election, to be called just after Australia Day, persist according
to The
Guardian.
@nobby15 |
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
@Quad_Finn, 27 December 2018:
Japan has announced its
first commercial whale hunt since leaving the IWC. The hunt will take place in
July 2019 and will target Endangered Sei whales along with Minke whales &
Bryde’s whales. It is not known how many whales of each species Japan intends
to kill each season.
On Thursday 27 December 2018 Marble Bar in the Pilbarra, Western Australia experienced it's hottest day on record reaching 49.3C at 3.40pm.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
On Thursday 27 December 2018 Marble Bar in the Pilbarra, Western Australia experienced it's hottest day on record reaching 49.3C at 3.40pm.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
The Daily Examiner, 28 December 2018, p.1:
The $300,000 fine issued
to Clarence Valley Council by the NSW Land and Environment Court last week for
the destruction of a rare Aboriginal object in Grafton will be reinvested into
the area, rather than go back into State Government revenue coffers.
The court’s ruling
handed down on December 21 included a series of detailed orders as part of the penalty
that includes several Clarence-based directives that were reached after
consultation with the Local Aboriginal Lands Councils and community members.
It is believed this case
is the first of its kind to be ordered with this directive.
The council was
prosecuted for the unlawful maiming and removal of a red/black bean scar tree
that occurred in 2013 and 2016. The tree, which stood on the corner of Breimba
and Dovedale streets in Grafton and was a surviving original specimen from the
flood plain before white settlement, was a registered culturally modified
object under the Aboriginal Site Register.
The council will pay the
fine amount of $300,000 to the Grafton Ngerrie Local Aboriginal Land Council
which will be applied to remediation actions.
These include a
feasibility study to establish a Keeping Place in the Grafton area for
Aboriginal cultural heritage items including long-term storage for the scar
tree remnants.
It will also provide
research funding into local Aboriginal cultural heritage for educational
purposes including training of council field staff and senior management.
The money will also be
used to establish a permanent exhibition and fund a series of one-day Clarence
Valley Healing Festivals to be held in various Clarence Valley Aboriginal
communities throughout 2019 and 2020.
The council was also
ordered to, at its own expense, publish a notice in several newspapers
including The Sydney Morning Herald, Koori Mail and The Daily
Examiner and on the council’s website and Facebook pages.
Additional costs include
a $48,000 legal bill which will bring the total costs to the council to more
than $350,000.
The council was
convicted of the offence against s 86(1) of the National Parks and Wildlife Act
1974 of harming an object that it knew was an Aboriginal object.
The original fine was
$400,000 but an early plea of guilty made council eligible for a 25 per cent
discount on the penalty. The council potentially faced a penalty of up to
$1.1million for its actions.
Council general manager
Ashley Lindsay said the council agreed it had done the wrong thing by removing
the scar tree and accepted the court’s decision.
“As the mayor and I have
said previously, we acknowledge the importance of the scar tree to our
Aboriginal community and are deeply sorry for the hurt and sense of loss the
removal of the tree has caused,” Mr Lindsay said.
“The tree’s destruction
does not represent who we are or who we strive to be as an organisation.
“This council values its
connections with the Aboriginal community and I genuinely believe we generally
work well together.
“But on this occasion we
did the wrong thing and for that we apologise.”
BACKGROUND
Chief
Executive, Office of Environment and Heritage v Clarence Valley
Council [2018] NSWLEC 205 (21 December 2018), excerpt:
A scar tree is harmed
1. Until May 2016, a
culturally modified tree stood in Grafton, on the corner of Breimba and
Dovedale Streets. The tree was either a Red Bean or Black Bean tree. It had a
bifurcated trunk with scarring on two parts of it. The larger scar faced a
south westerly direction and was approximately 1.4m tall and 40cm wide. The
smaller scar faced a westerly direction and was higher up the trunk.
2. Various reasons for
the scarring have been passed down by the knowledge holders to local Aboriginal
people. Aboriginal elders have said that the scar tree is culturally
significant to the local Gumbaynggirr people and that the scarring was made
using a stone axe either as a directional marker directing visitors to nearby
Fisher Park, or for ceremonial purposes in connection with other sites in the
area, or by someone wanting to make a shield.
3. In 1995, the scar
tree was registered as a culturally modified tree on the Aboriginal Site
Register. In 2005, the information about the scar tree was transferred from the
Aboriginal Site Register to the Aboriginal Heritage Information Management
System (“AHIMS”) maintained by the Office of Environment and Heritage (“OEH”).
The scar tree was thereby identified as an Aboriginal object for the purposes
of the National
Parks and Wildlife Act 1974 (“NPW Act”). Under s 86(1) of the NPW Act,
it is an offence for a person to harm or desecrate an object that the person
knows is an Aboriginal object.
4. The local government
authority for Grafton and the Clarence Valley, Clarence Valley
Council (“the Council”), lopped the crown of the scar tree in July
2013. The Council was issued with and paid a penalty notice for harming an
Aboriginal object, in breach of s 86(2) of the NPW Act.
5. The lopping of the
scar tree exacerbated the decline in the health of the tree. In 2015, the
Council included the scar tree on the Council’s annual stump grinding list for
removal of the tree. On 19 May 2016, the Council completely removed the scar
tree. The scar tree was cut into four pieces, including a cut through the lower
scar. Remnants of the scar tree were taken to the Council’s nursery in Grafton.
On 20 May 2016, the Council realised what it had done and self-reported to the
OEH that, in completely removing the scar tree, it had harmed an Aboriginal
object in breach of s 86(1) of NPW Act.
6. On 27 May 2016, the
OEH after an investigation of the offence, seized the remnants of the scar tree
pursuant to s 156B(4) of the NPW Act. On 9 June 2016, the remnants of the scar
tree were relocated to the National Parks and Wildlife Service’s premises at
South Grafton, where they remain today.
Full judgment
is here.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Perth
Now, 30
December 2018:
Four months after losing
the leadership spill he instigated, Peter Dutton has broken his silence in an
extraordinary spray at Malcolm Turnbull.
Calling the deposed
prime minister spiteful and indecisive, the Home Affairs Minister told
Brisbane's The Sunday Mail that Mr Turnbull had brought about his own downfall
through his lack of political nous.
"Malcolm had a plan
to become Prime Minister but no plan to be Prime Minister," was Mr
Dutton's damning evaluation.
He also criticised the
former leader for actions he saw as undermining the Morrison government.
"I am the first to
defend the legacy of the Turnbull government. Malcolm was strong on economic
management, borders and national security, but Malcolm will trash his own
legacy if he believes his position is strengthened by seeing us lose under
Scott (Morrison),'' Mr Dutton said.
He excoriated Mr
Turnbull for not supporting the Liberal Party's candidate in his old seat of
Wentworth.
"Walking away from
(his seat of) Wentworth and not working to have (Liberal Wentworth candidate)
Dave Sharma elected was worse than any behaviour we saw even under (former
Labor prime minister Kevin) Rudd."
Stating emphatically
that he wasn't a stalking horse for former leader Tony Abbott or a right wing
"Bible basher", Mr Dutton said Mr Turnbull's poor management had lost
the Libs 15 seats in the 2016 election, leaving the government "with a
one-seat majority which just made the parliament unmanageable. We were
paralysed.".....
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Unanswered
questions at the start of 2019.
The last federal general election was on 2 July
2016. A year later and the Federal Liberal Party
was still $3,711,956 in debt.
Has the party managed to pay down this debt and how
much money have they received as political donations since 1 July 2017?
One might
safely assume that sacked prime minister Malcolm Bligh Turnbull will not be personally
donating $1,750,000 to the Liberal Party this time around and one wonders if
the banks were as generous with their donations once the Royal Commission began
requesting their presence at public hearings.
This is the last available donor list. Will the corporations on this list still back the Liberal Party so strongly?
This is the last available donor list. Will the corporations on this list still back the Liberal Party so strongly?
List of donors to the Liber... by on Scribd
Labels:
coastal development,
mining,
news,
politics,
Social media
Tuesday, 25 December 2018
****Happy Festive Season 2018 From North Coast Voices****
Wishing you all a Happy Festive Season
and thankyou to all our readers - those who come
straight to this blog & those that read us on Twitter |
North Coast Voices takes an annual
break at this time and will be begin posting again on New Year's Day
Labels:
holidays
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