Thursday, 22 April 2021

Former NSW Minister & Liberal MLA John Sidoti due to give evidence at ICAC public hearing again today


Yesterday 21 April 2021 was Day 16 of NSW Independent Commission Against Corruption (ICAC) public hearings in the investigation into allegations concerning Liberal MLA for Drummoyne, John Sidoiti (left), who stood down as state Minister for Sport, Multiculturalism, Seniors and Veterans on 3 March 2021 and is currently sitting on the crossbenches as an Independent while the investigation continues.


Sidoti who has been a government member of the NSW Legislative Assembly for the last 10 years is giving evidence before the Operation Witney Public Inquiry again today.


Sidoti was referred to ICAC in September 2019. At that time on his Disclosures By Members form he listed in six properties as co-owned with his wife and another in which he held a 10 per cent interest reportedly valued at 11.5 million. The Sidoti family property portfolio is said to have a potential value of $41.4 million. On 24 October 2019 the Daily Telegraph reported that he had updated his disclosure form to add another property in which he had an interest.


Transcripts of inquiry proceeding to date can be found at:

https://www.icac.nsw.gov.au/investigations/current-investigations/2021/nsw-state-member-for-drummoyne-operation-witney/nsw-state-member-for-drummoyne-allegations-concerning-improper-influence-and-breach-of-public-trust-operation-witney


BACKGROUND


NSW Independent Commission Against Corruption (ICAC), media release, 26 March 2021:


MEDIA ALERT: Public inquiry into allegations concerning John Sidoti MP starts Monday


The NSW Independent Commission Against Corruption’s (ICAC) Operation Witney public inquiry into allegations concerning the State Member for Drummoyne, John Sidoti MP, will start next Monday, 29 March 2021 at 10:00 am.


The Commission is investigating allegations that, between 26 March 2011 and 6 February 2018, Mr Sidoti improperly influenced another person, or persons, to dishonestly or partially exercise any of their official functions in respect of: advancing amendments to development controls affecting land between Second Avenue and Barnstaple Road on Waterview Street, Five Dock; and/or any rezoning of the land and/or any proposals to develop the land situated at 120, 122 and 124 Great North Road, Five Dock, and 2 Second Avenue, Five Dock.


The Commission is also examining whether, between 30 June 2011 and 30 June 2019, Mr Sidoti engaged in a breach of public trust by failing to make a number of pecuniary interest disclosures contrary to his obligations to do so under the Constitution (Disclosures by Members) Regulation 1983, the NSW Parliament Code of Conduct for Members and the Ministerial Code of Conduct.


As the ICAC is committed to maintaining a COVID-safe workplace, and has limited space to be able to adequately accommodate members of the media and the public, the Commission’s premises will not be open to members of the media and the public for the public inquiry. However, a pool camera and sound operator will be permitted to film and record the opening address (see the media guidelines for more information).


The Commission will live stream the proceedings via its website www.icac.nsw.gov.au, and will post exhibits (provided they are not subject to non-publication orders), transcripts and witness lists. Updates will also be provided via the ICAC Twitter account (@nswicac).


ICAC Chief Commissioner the Hon Peter Hall QC will preside at the public inquiry, which is expected to continue for four weeks. Counsel Assisting the Commission will be Rob Ranken of Counsel.


A witness list for the first week is attached. Please note that witness lists are subject to change. For further information, please refer to the Operation Witney public inquiry media guidelines.


Credit: John Sidoti image at top of this post was found at ABC News, 21 April 2021.


Wednesday, 21 April 2021

Messaging in new Morrison Government-funded high school consent videos seem confused and often focussed on perpetrator’s feelings and continuing in an unhealthy relationship.


Snapshot from "Stop Ask Listen" 3 minute video


Tacos, milkshakes, popcorn, a brave male & cowardly sharks, as well as a very aggressive young woman, are all found in Morrison Government's initial publicly released four short videos for high school students 15 to 18 years of age on the subject of ‘respect in relationships’.


Highschool students are being told that to be human means wanting "food, money, power and love" (in that order).


The webpage and training videos appear to have been created by Interactive Animation Pty Ltd of Queensland, trading as Liquid Interactive, at a cost to the taxpayer of est. $3.79 million.


The "Moving the Line" video mentioned in the article below, along with another video "Yes No I Don't Know", were removed from the federal government website https://www.thegoodsociety.gov.au/playlists/the-field-model sometime before midday on 20 April 2021.



 Leaving only two example videos visible on the website, along with what appears to be an extensive hidden video playlist for public school teachers. What distorted messages do those hidden videos send to Australia's children?


Crikey, 19 April 2021:


A bizarre educational video for students in Years 10-12 suggests maintaining relationships even after disrespectful behaviours are called out.


A new government video designed to teach consent to Year 10-12 students is as damaging as it is bizarre. With a focus on the perpetrator’s feelings and “maintaining” an unhealthy relationship, the video echoes the arguments of men’s rights activists and fundamentalist Christians.


The Good Society is a new resource for “teaching respectful relationships in schools” as part of the Australian government’s Respect Matters program, featuring content for primary, middle and senior school-aged kids.


One video, titled “Moving the Line”, designed to teach Year 10-12 students about consent, stands out as being particularly strange. Overtly sexual without ever using sexual references, the video features a young teen named Veronica apologising for smearing milkshake cream all over her boyfriend Bailey’s face.


The decision to make a female the perpetrator of sexual violence is also a strange one: men’s rights activists often argue sexual violence is gender-neutral though 97% of sexual violence is perpetrated by men.


Instead of discussing consent in terms of bodily autonomy — which I’m sure teens on the cusp of paying taxes and reaching adulthood would be able to grasp — the video uses drinking milkshakes, eating pizza and “touching your butt” as examples of encounters that require consent.


More worrying still, the video has a perverse focus on maintaining relationships even when Bailey finds it disrespectful.


(The Morrison government has, against all expert advice, previously advocated victims of domestic violence sit down and talk out their issues in the presence of a couples counsellor with no training in family violence. $10 million was set aside for couples counselling. Of the groups invited to participate, a large proportion are faith-based.)


This ultimately downplays the victim’s experience and can put power back in the hands of the abuser, creating an illusion of shared responsibility for the violence......


The Guardian, 19 April 2021: 


Rape prevention and sexual education experts have criticised the federal government’s new consent education campaign, accusing it of creating “bizarre” videos and spreading misinformation about sex and consent. 


The Good Society website, launched as part of the Department of Education’s Respect Matters program, contains more than 350 videos, digital stories, podcasts and teaching materials to help teach sex and consent to school-age children.... 


The director of End Rape on Campus, Sharna Bremner, warned that the videos fail to meet the national standards for the prevention of sexual assault through education. She added that the videos are “bizarre” and “really trivialise an incredibly serious issue”. 


“This resource doesn’t give young people enough credit,” she told Guardian Australia. “It undermines their intelligence. It underestimates what they already know, and I wonder if anyone involved in it has ever met a 17-year-old boy. 


“It assumes that the problem is that people don’t know what consent is, not that they ignore it. Kids aged 15 to 18 are the most likely to be victims of sexual violence, and also perpetrators of sexual violence. So we need to be giving them correct information.” 


Dr Jacqui Hendriks, a sexual health academic at Curtin University, said the videos skirted around the issue of sex and consent. 


“Trying to talk about sex without actually talking about sex isn’t helpful,” she said. “We need to be specifically talking about consent in an intimate and sexual relationship.” 


The videos are built around a concept called “the field model”. Students are shown an image resembling a football field to explain how shared decisions are made. 


Bremner said neither she, nor other rape prevention experts she has spoken to, had heard of the field model. 


“The only thing I can find on it is that it is a communication theory created by a public relations expert to do with communication in the workplace,” she said. “This is not a theory based in anything to do with sex, consent or relationships.”.....


Tuesday, 20 April 2021

It's not only Jack Frost who is about as Winter approaches - sharks are active in NSW North Coast waters


4-6 metres Tiger Shark caught in waters off Tweed Heads in 2015
IMAGE: The Sydney Morning Herald 


It may be getting cold and windy as Winter approaches on the NSW Far North Coast, but that doesn’t mean that sharks aren’t about.


On Saturday 17 April 2021 a 2 metre unidentified shark was spotted at Turner’s Beach, Yamba, and on Monday 19 April a 3 metre Tiger Shark was sighted at Byron Bay’s main beach area.


Due to bad weather conditions drones have been unable to regularly patrol Ballina’s beaches since Friday 16 March 2021 and drumlines have not always been in position.


Therefore the last official shark sighting in Ballina waters was a tag and release 1.94 metre Bull Shark caught on the drumline at Shelley Beach, according to @NSWSharkSmart.


Bull Shark breeding season is still in full swing in coastal river estuaries and won't finish until the end of May.


U.S. Netflix Inc's reputation about to go down the drain in NE New South Wales because of a cheap and nasty docu-soap?

 

Netflix Inc. is a multinational entertainment content platform and production company headquartered in Los Gatos, California, with annual revenue in 2020 of US$24.99 billion, has 81 per cent of its total employee pool resident in the United States and is listed on the stock exchange – although only est. 16 per cent of its shares are owned by the general public with the majority of shares apparently held by institutional investors.


It quietly boasts in its Annual Report 2020 that the global COVID-19 pandemic has increased its paid membership by 24 per cent and its annual income by $5.13 billion.


For some reason it has turned an exploitative eye on Byron Bay and many Indigenous traditional owners, local residents and businesses remain unimpressed…..


Byron Bay locals want Netflix show Byron Baes to be shut down.
IMAGE: The Sydney Morning Herald, 18 April 2021


















ABC News, 18 April 2021:


Byron Bay in northern New South Wales is defying conventional wisdom that says film and TV productions should be welcomed with open arms for the money and exposure they bring.


A petition calling on business owners to refuse the use of their premises as a location has attracted thousands of signatures.


Netflix declined to be interviewed, but in a press release it said the show would be a "docu-soap following a feed of hot Instagrammers living their best lives, being their best selves, creating the best drama content, #nofilter guaranteed".


A 'Truman Show' portrayal


Mayor Simon Richardson said the show was "offensive" to the community.


"We've almost got a Truman Show-type portrayal of who we are where everything is quite idyllic and superficial, where out the back it's an empty parking lot," Cr Richardson said.


"We've got a community that is in real stress, we've got a community that has real life issues dealing with housing, work, affordability.


"While we are here trying to deal with this as best we can, to have this pamphlet of an idea of who we are without any input by us.


"It's quite offensive."


Cr Richardson called on the producers to make the series in another town that would welcome the exposure or, if they were determined to stay in Byron, to engage with the people and the stories in the town in a more meaningful way.


He said the council's hands were tied, however, when it came to stopping the production from happening……


'Byron deserves better'


Cafe owner Ben Gordon was one among a list of businesses – including fashion behemoth Spell and boutique hotel Rae's – that said no to Netflix when location scouts came knocking.


Mr Gordon said Netflix did not offer a location fee, just the chance of greater exposure and marketing opportunities.


"All the business owners need to realise is it's not good for your business," he said.


"They will tout that it's going to be seen by millions of people and that it's free marketing but it's not good marketing and you don't want to be involved with that."


Mr Gordon said, although he benefited from people posting shots of his cafe on social media, the Netflix production "crossed the line".


"This is a show that is targeted to 790 million Netflix subscribers in America about people who aren't actually from Byron," he said.


"Anyone from Byron who represents Byron in an authentic way wouldn't be involved in this show.


"It's really low and Byron deserves better."


Monday, 19 April 2021

Australian Prime Minister and Liberal MP for Cook Scott John Morrison continues his inglorious progression through 2021

 

The following April 2021 news media excerpts indicate that the current Australian Prime Minister is not good at the practicalities of governing a nation.


In fact they suggest that if Scott Morrison started his working life with any form of management skills, they were and still are, best suited to the lowest rung of middle management in a modestly-sized business.


The Saturday Paper, 10-16 April 2021:


The National Disability Insurance Scheme has set up a secretive “sustainability action taskforce”, which is instructed to “avoid” a forecast budget overrun by cutting access to the scheme and the level of funding to participants, leaked documents reveal.


An internal memo, marked “sensitive” and obtained by The Saturday Paper, shows that senior agency figures know there will be a “forecast… cost overrun in the 2021-22 financial year… on top of the scheduled increase in annual budget allocation”.


The document, dated April 2021, notes that the Sustainability Action Taskforce (SAT) has been working on “actions we need to take to avoid this forecast overrun”.


In order to do this, the SAT plans to limit both the number of new applicants joining the NDIS and growth of spending on current participants.


The memo provides the clearest evidence yet that a suite of proposed legislative reforms to the NDIS, key among them the introduction of mandatory “independent” assessments, are smokescreens for severe cuts to the scheme’s budget.


The actions of the SAT will make immediate changes to slow growth in participant numbers, slow growth in spend per participant and strengthen operational discipline,” the memo reads. “We need to act now to ensure we can deliver a better NDIS.”


From the very beginning of the Morrison government trying to force these changes upon disabled people we said very clearly, ‘We can see exactly what you are doing because you feel disabled people are a burden on government finances’.”


For further information, the document directs some staff to a “Scheme reform intranet hub”. Details from this reform hub were sent to staff as recently as last week with updated “talking points” regarding the rationale for the changes.


Senator Jordon Steele-John, the Greens’ disability spokesperson, told The Saturday Paper that this leaked document is “the smoking gun”.


It reveals the government’s real intention with these reforms is to kick disabled people off our NDIS,” he said on Tuesday. “In addition, from the very beginning of the Morrison government trying to force these changes upon disabled people we said very clearly, ‘We can see exactly what you are doing because you feel disabled people are a burden on government finances’.


And every single time the Morrison government looked us in the eye and said, ‘You are being ridiculous.’ ”


A spokesperson for the National Disability Insurance Agency (NDIA) told The Saturday Paper that “any long-term financial risks will always be a consideration for government”…..


The Saturday Paper, 16 April 2021:


Back in 2015, when he was Social Services minister, Scott Morrison distinguished between disability support and welfare. He argued there needed to be cuts to welfare to help pay for the NDIS rollout. His distinction was that those on welfare are somehow blameworthy, or at the very least prone to cheat the system. Those with a disability, meanwhile, were seen as hapless victims of fate worthy of support so they can live with as much dignity as possible.


But now people with disabilities are to be seen through the same prism as those on welfare. By the Morrison government’s thinking, they are a burden on the budget and a taskforce has been established with the aim of cutting the growth in funding packages and participant numbers. This comes with the revelation that the public servants who designed the illegal computerised “robo-debt” scheme are busy at work for debt recovery from the disabled.


One of the original architects of the NDIS, Labor’s Bill Shorten, says the plans are a disgrace and a betrayal. There is also anger on the government’s backbench. So much so that the portfolio’s former minister, Stuart Robert, feared his plans to introduce privatised tick-and-flick assessments would not get approval from the party room.


Veteran Liberal MP Russell Broadbent says people with disabilities and their families “deserve special care and consideration”. He says, “They need all the support that is promised by the NDIS.” The new NDIS minister, Linda Reynolds, isn’t inspiring confidence, telling The Age she supports quality outcomes that are “fair and affordable” – a loaded motherhood statement if ever there was one. What’s affordable is what the government is willing to spend, according to its value judgements.


Overlooking people with disabilities in the vaccine rollout is symptomatic not only of the government’s poor priorities but of the mess the whole project has become.


Morrison began the week by resorting to Facebook to retreat and regroup. He ended it by putting the national cabinet – the Zoom meeting with premiers and chief ministers – on a weekly war footing. What exactly that means, and how it will meet the almost inexcusable shortfall of vaccines, isn’t clear. We may need to rely on more leaks from the public service and revelations from the disgruntled to find out.


ABC News, 16 April 2021:


Having last year promised to put Australia at the front of the global coronavirus vaccination queue, the Federal Government now finds itself under pressure over the pace of its vaccine rollout.


Prime Minister Scott Morrison this month defended the Government's record, claiming Australia had outperformed Germany, New Zealand, South Korea and Japan at the same stage of their vaccination rollouts.


"It is true that at this stage of our rollout, it is actually better than where Germany was, better than where New Zealand was, better than where South Korea and Japan was, and so I think there will be some important context in the weeks ahead as we see the significant ramp up of the distribution network," he said.


How does Australia's vaccine rollout compare? RMIT ABC Fact Check investigates.


The verdict

Mr Morrison's claim is misleading.


When he made his claim during an April 6 media conference, Australia's vaccination program had been underway for 43 days.


At that point, a total of 854,983 jabs had been given — equivalent to about 3.4 for every 100 people.


That was slightly behind where Germany was 43 days into its vaccination program, but ahead of New Zealand, Japan and South Korea.


Mr Morrison was therefore not accurate when he suggested Australia "at this stage of our rollout" was outperforming all four of the countries he chose to list.


Moreover, by the standards being set by member countries of the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), Australia's vaccination program was slow to get started, and has ramped up more slowly.


The OECD's 37 member nations had delivered an average of 6.2 jabs per 100 people at the 43-day mark of their respective vaccination programs, compared to Australia's 3.4 doses.


And in terms of their overall efforts, an average of 22.4 doses per 100 people had been given across all 37 OECD nations by April 6.


Whether Australia's relatively cautious approach when it comes to vaccine approval — and hence its slower start for the rollout — represents a prudent strategy is a different question.


Moreover, not all vaccines are equivalent, making international comparisons difficult…….


Mr Morrison made his claim 43 days after Australia began its rollout, and compared its progress with that of Japan, Germany, South Korea and New Zealand.


Fact Check, therefore, assessed the rollout of vaccines across various countries 43 days from when their first jab was given.


The cumulative number of vaccines is expressed as a rate per 100 people, to account for variations in population.


Mr Morrison adopted the same approach when using a Facebook post to argue Australia's rollout was advancing in a manner consistent with other countries.


In terms of assessing a country's progress, the focus would ideally be on the number of people partly and fully vaccinated relative to the population, rather than on cumulative vaccine doses…...


Mr Morrison appears to have chosen for his vaccine comparison countries that are among the most sluggish in the OECD.


After 43 days, Australia's rate of 3.4 jabs per 100 people placed it eighth lowest in the OECD, ahead of Mexico, Japan, New Zealand, South Korea, Canada, France and Chile.


It was also below the OECD average of 6.2 jabs per 100 people.


After 43 days, Israel had administered about 57 jabs per 100 people, while Switzerland and the UK had both administered more than 10 jabs per 100 people. In the US, 9.6 shots per 100 people had been given…..



The Guardian, 17 April 2021:


It’s not entirely clear how encouraging words cleared the gritted teeth of the New South Wales health minister, Brad Hazzard, this week, but he managed it.


The precursor to Hazzard gritting his teeth was Scott Morrison dropping a statement to media outlets on Tuesday night declaring the national cabinet would resume meeting twice a week to deal with the mess of the vaccination rollout.


Morrison was rewarded with amplifying headlines on Wednesday morning about the country returning to a “war” footing – whatever that meant. It was unclear whether Australia (led by new defence minister Peter Dutton) intended to invade Europe and storm the factories of Big Pharma to commandeer some jabs, but in any case, Hazzard responded to his conscription to national service by observing that collaboration across the jurisdictions was welcome.


Previously, Hazzard thought, when it came to the vaccination program, decisions had “largely been a one-way street, with states and territories being told that this is how it is going to work”. The minister kept rolling. “That hasn’t worked so well so far, so maybe it’s time to have a rethink”. For good measure, Hazzard also noted “vaccine rollouts are state and territory core business”.


If you aren’t fluent in the passive-aggressive dialects of commonwealth-state relations, this short homily from Hazzard could be a little opaque.


So let me spell this out.


According to well-placed people who have been involved in the management of Covid-19 since the beginning, the states and territories (and some other experts) have been telling Morrison and the federal health minister, Greg Hunt, for months that their preferred mode of rollout of coronavirus vaccines carried significant downside risks.


Objections from the states and territories have been expressed at the level of health and treasury ministers.


Premiers and chief ministers have also raised the risks at national cabinet. As one person put it to me candidly this week: “We’ve been watching this slow-moving train wreck right from the beginning.”


There are two main issues: the design of the vaccination program, and decisions about procurement.


When it comes to the design of the rollout, at issue is Morrison and Hunt’s decision to have GPs and pharmacies deal with the jabs as “critical partners” rather than handing over the program to the states to manage.


If you ask around the government why this decision was made, the explanation you get is simple. GPs and pharmacies are politically influential and seen as largely friendly to the Coalition (community pharmacy in particular). People say Morrison and Hunt saw political benefit in a successful national vaccination program being run by friendly health groups, and this was preferable to having to run the gauntlet of the states and their endless naysaying and nitpicking.


This Canberra-led delivery model would enable Morrison and Hunt to own the success of the rollout and sail forth in triumph to the federal election.


People say nobody seemed that focussed on the political risks of owning a debacle, even though the potential for that seemed reasonably high, given the number of moving parts and vagaries outside the control of the Morrison talking points complex…… [my yellow highlighting]


YahooSport!, 17 April 2021:



Another visit to a footy match on Friday night has again landed the nation's leader in the crosshairs of footy fans, with loud boos ringing out at West Coast's Optus Stadium at the appearance of the PM in the crowd.


Mr Morrison was shown sitting next to former finance minister Mathias Cormann on a big screen at the ground, prompting footy fans to loudly boo the PM.


The Prime Minister's approval rating has taken a hit in recent weeks after a number of scandals involving the Liberal Party including his government's response to sexual assault allegations and claims of inappropriate behaviour inside Parliament, as well as the Covid-19 vaccination rollout....


From being booed at the footy in WA to being flipped the bird in SA:



Australian Government, Dept. of Finance, retrieved 17 April 2021:


The Emergency Response Fund (ERF) was established on the commencement of the Emergency Response Fund Act 2019 (ERF Act), on 12 December 2019. On establishment, the ERF was credited with the uncommitted balance of the Education Investment Fund, which has now been closed.


The ERF allows the Government to draw up to $200 million in any given year, beyond what is already available to fund emergency response and natural disaster recovery and preparedness, where it determines the existing recovery and resilience-building programs are insufficient to provide an appropriate response to natural disasters.


As of 31 December 2020 the total credits and earning held by the Emergency Response Fund (ERF) was $4.34 billion.


As of 17 April 2021 it appears that neither Prime Minister Morrison, Treasurer Frydenberg or Finance Minister Birmingham have allowed even one cent of this money to be dispensed to fund either emergency response or natural disaster recovery and preparedness.

To date, mainstream media still characterises monies held in the ERf as "unused".


The Australian, 7 April 2021:


The fund is supposed to pay out $200m a year to help local governments deal with cyclones, floods and bushfires, with $150m set aside for disaster recovery and $50m for mitigation, but no money has been spent since the fund was announced in April 2019 and legislated in December 2019. 


A Senate estimates hearing last month revealed there were 74 flood prevention projects worth a combined $250m that had applied for ERF funding but were yet to be assessed. 


Queensland councils in flood and cyclone-prone areas along the coast have criticised the federal government for failing to use the fund. 


Federal Emergency Management Minister David Littleproud said the reason no money had been paid from the disaster recovery tranche was because the legislation prohibited the fund from being used before other disaster funds, such as the bushfire recovery fund, were exhausted. 


He blamed the lack of money for mitigation projects on the time required to set up the proper processed to assess applications. “As soon as the legislation passes, you can’t just administer the funds right away,” he said.


“You have to set up the governance around it.....


If readers go to
 https://www.legislation.gov.au/Details/C2019A00090/bd972cb5-be04-4687-807d-674c011df330 and examine the legislative provisions it is not hard to imagine that the ERF was never intended to fully function for the stated purpose of emergency recovery.


It is also noted that the National Bushfire Recovery Fund (NBRF) was announced by Morrison on 6 May 2020. It has a total of $2.1 billion committed over four years if the Economic and Fiscal Update, Appendix A of July 2020 is correct.


Over 11 months later and Morrison & Co. has allocated barely half of those funds, with little or no guarantee that any or all of that amount of financial assistance has as yet actually reached bushfire affected communities, families and individuals. 




Sunday, 18 April 2021

There have been at least 451 Aboriginal deaths in police and prison custody since the Royal Commission into Aboriginal Deaths in Custody delivered its final report in 1991


During the period 1 January 1980 to 31 May 1989 there were 99 reported cases of Aboriginal deaths in custody in Australia falling within the jurisdiction of the Royal Commission into Aboriginal Deaths in Custody.


Between the final report of the Royal Commission in 1991 and 30 June 2019, at least another 451 Aboriginal people have died while in police or prison custody.


Current published statistical records do not yet include the period between 1 July 2019 to the present day.


The following historical information is divided in to two sections – deaths in police custody and deaths in prison custody


DEATHS IN POLICE CUSTODY


Between 1991 and 30 June 2019, a total of 156 of the Indigenous deaths were while the individuals were in police custody and custody-related operations.


In 2018–19 there were 24 deaths in police custody and custody-related operations according to the Australian Government’s Institute of Criminology Statistical Report 31.


Of these 6 deaths were in Western Australia, 5 deaths in each of New South Wales, Victoria and Queensland, 2 in South Australia and one in Tasmania. No deaths in police custody were recorded in the Australian Capital Territory or the Northern Territory.


Sixteen of the 24 deaths occurring in police custody were categorised as category 1 deaths – that is they occurred during close police contact with the deceased, including deaths in police stations, and most police shootings and raids. The remaining 8 deaths were classified as category 2 deaths occurring during contact, such as foot pursuits or self-inflicted deaths in the presence of police after the commission of an offence.


Of the 24 deaths 4 were of Indigenous persons, 19 were of non-Indigenous persons and one person had no Indigenous status recorded.


Of these 4 deaths Indigenous deaths in police custody 3 were male and one was female and their median age was 22 years. One cause of death was listed as unknown, one was from a self-inflicted gunshot wound and 2 were recorded as accidental death as a result of other/multiple causes.


The Indigenous person whose cause of death was unknown died while police were in the process of detaining or attempting to detain this individual.


Of the 4 Indigenous deaths in police custody, 2 occurred in a public place, one on private property, and the other in a public hospital. The location of death for the individual whose Indigenous status was not recorded was a public place.


Of the four Indigenous persons who died in police custody, 2 were suspected of having committed theft-related offences, one was suspected of having committed a good order offence and, an suspected offence was not stated or unknown for the remaining Indigenous death. The 11 non-Indigenous persons who died in police custody in 2018-19 were most commonly suspected of having committed a violent offence.


This breakdown of suspected offences by persons dying in police custody has been similar over the last 30 years of statistical records.


In 2018-19 the death rate of Indigenous persons in police custody was 0.61 per 100,000 Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander population aged 10 years and over, compared with a death rate of non-Indigenous persons in police custody of 0.09 per 100,000 non-Indigenous population aged 10 years and over.


DEATHS IN PRISON CUSTODY


Between 1991 and 30 June 2019, there have been a total of 295 Indigenous deaths in prison custody, including in youth detention centres and during prisoner transfers.


In 2018–19 there were 89 deaths in prison custody. The largest number of deaths in prison custody occurred in New South Wales (33 persons), followed by Victoria (19 persons), Western Australia (15 persons), Queensland (11 persons), Northern Territory (3 persons) and Tasmania (2 persons). None of these six jurisdictions recorded a decease in the number of deaths. There were no deaths in prison custody in the Australian Capital Territory.


Of these 89 deaths 16 were Indigenous deaths in prison custody, accounting for 18 percent of all deaths in prison custody over that period.


All 16 of these deaths were Indigenous males, with 6 being 55 years of age or older, 8 being between 40 to 54 years of age and 2 between 25 to 39 years of age.


The highest number of Indigenous deaths in prison custody in that period occurred in Western Australia with 5 deaths, followed by New South Wales with 4 deaths, the Northern Territory with 3 deaths and Queensland with 2 deaths. No Indigenous deaths occurred in South Australia, Tasmania or the ACT.


The overall death rate in the prison population in 2018-19 was 0.21 per 100 prisoners. The death rate of Indigenous prisoners was 0.13 per 100 prisoners and 3.11 per 100,000 Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander population aged 18 years and over.


The cause of death was recorded for 13 of the 16 Indigenous deaths in prison custody, with 11 being listed as death due to natural causes, and one listed as death by hanging. The remaining cause of death was not specifically identified in Report 31.


A total of 4 Indigenous deaths in 2018-19 occurred in a prison cell and 7 occurred in a public hospital. The place of death is not identifiable for the remaining 5 individuals.


Saturday, 17 April 2021

Tweet of the Week