Former property developer, Northern NSW local government councillor & Qld mining consultant Nationals MLA for Clarence Chris Gulaptis has announced he's retiring at March 2023 state election. 🥳 Man who had to be dragged kicking & screaming towards few good decisions he ever made
— no_filter_Yamba (@no_filter_Yamba) August 24, 2022
The Australian Parliamentary Budget Office (PBO) released its 2022 Election commitments report on 14 July 2022.
The report stated in part:
The report includes commitments expected to have a material impact on the Australian Government budget. In the lead-up to the election, the PBO identified and assessed almost 2,000 relevant election commitments and determined that 314 of these met the criteria for inclusion in this report. Of those items, 41 are commitments by the Coalition, 154 by the Australian Labor Party, 99 by the Australian Greens, and 20 by the independent member for Indi…..
As is often the case for the party in government, the Coalition also announced policies in its budget update, released prior to the election, resulting in fewer Coalition commitments included in this report compared to the other major parties.
Major Parties Net Impact of Election Commitments
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This is how The Guardian reported PBO findings on 14 July 2022:
Labor’s commitment to scrap the cashless debit card will save $286.5m over four years, the Parliamentary Budget Office has revealed.
On Thursday the PBO released election costings showing that Labor’s policies would add $6.9bn to budget deficits over four years and a further $33.6bn would be spent in off-budget investments including for housing and the electricity grid.
Before the election Labor had estimated its policies would cause deficits to be $7.4bn bigger over four years, despite measures to crack down on multinational tax avoidance and save on the public service’s use of contractors.
The PBO found Labor’s most expensive promises were cheaper childcare ($5.1bn over four years) and fixing aged care ($2.5bn).
But it also identified savings, including from abolishing the cashless debit card and mandatory income management, which Labor did not estimate due to “commercial sensitivities”. Over 10 years that measure would save $786.9m, the PBO said.
The cashless debit card and income management scheme quarantines up to 80% of a person’s welfare payments onto a card with which one cannot withdraw cash or buy alcohol.
The Coalition extended the scheme for two years in December 2020 after failing to win support to make it permanent in four sites. The auditor general later found the Morrison government had not demonstrated whether the scheme was working despite operating trials across the country for more than five years.
Labor pledged to scrap the “privatised” Indue-operated cashless debit card, though smaller welfare income management programs requested by a local community could continue.
The PBO said overall its estimates “are not materially different from the costs for the forward estimates period released by Labor prior to the election”.
“While there are some material differences for individual commitments, when taken together, these differences amount to not more than 0.1% of GDP in any given year.”
The PBO noted 11 Labor policies that added to off-budget spending (such as loans and equity) to finance promises including public housing upgrades, the Help to Buy housing scheme, the Powering Australia plan and the National Reconstruction Fund.
The promises would result in the headline cash balance being $33.6bn lower over four years, or $62.7bn over 10 years…...
The PBO found the Coalition’s policies would have resulted in “slightly smaller deficits”, although the difference was “negligible”.
The Greens’ policies would “result in larger deficits” due to the minor party’s commitments “on both receipts and payments [which] are significantly higher than the other major parties”, it said.
Under the Greens’ policies, revenue as a share of GDP would rise to 29% and deficits would be $6.5bn a year higher than the Coalition…..
Cardinal Spin, media release, 11 May 2022:
FURTHER RIDE STOPS PLANNED AT SHOWS ACROSS NSW & QLD
12.00pm Saturday May 14th
Australia’s fun makers battle 300% insurance rise & Liberal Govt backflip on support
Following a ride stop at Hawkesbury Show, Australia’s largest regional show, last weekend - attended by 150 Sydney industry protestors and their families – operators at Shows across New South Wales and Queensland will this Saturday May 14th stage another ride stop to highlight the catastrophic consequences of a failed insurance market which includes the escalation in insurance costs over the last twelve months and scarce availability, and to put the spotlight on the Morrison Government’s renege on promised support.
Shows that will be impacted by the planned fifteen minute ride stop, under the banner of the Australian Amusement, Leisure and Recreation Association (AALARA) and the Showmen’s Guilds of Australia include:
NSW
Bingara Show - 13th to 15th May
Coffs Harbour Show - 13th to 15th May
Bourke Show - 14th May
Orange Show - 14th to 15th May
Yeoval Show - 17th May
QLD
Gympie Show – 12th – 14th May
Ipswich Show – 13th – 15th May (Which includes ‘The Beast’, one of Australia’s $3 million rides)
Charleville Show – 12th – 14th May
Brookfield Show (Brisbane) – 13th – 15th May
The ride stop will happen at midday this Saturday.
And it’s not just travelling show ride operators who will be impacted. The rising insurance costs will also impact owners of trampoline parks, go kart tracks, ice rinks, bowling alleys, family entertainment centres, theme parks and more.
“It’s a huge industry employing more than 7,000 people and contributing $1.84 billion to the economy annually that will be killed off if these insurance rises aren’t addressed and some support offered,” said President of the Australasian Showmen’s Guild, Aaron Pink.
“We have ticked every box and jumped through every hoop the Liberal Government have asked of us to gain support – as we were advised the support would come if we followed the process, and yet it wasn’t included in the recent budget – and last week we received an official rejection. We did it all, and at a significant cost to our membership, and we’ve been left high and dry. Our insurance costs have gone up by an astronomical 300% in just twelve months which is totally unmanageable for our members, some unable to achieve any insurance. We’re talking about a lot of Ma and Pa operators who have struggled through Covid with mass cancellation of fairs, shows and attractions, as well as bushfires and floods. They don’t have the fund behind them to take on such a huge insurance cost increase, it’s just another kick in the guts from Government,” said AALARA President Shane McGrath.
Until last week Scott Morrison’s Government had been working with the peak industry bodies and commissioned ASBFEO to report into the proposed solution and make a recommendation.
The solution put forward was a Discretionary Mutual Fund, as recommend by Australian Small Business and Family Enterprise Ombudsman Bruce Bilson. The Ombudsman’s forty-two-page report into the insurance crisis facing Australia’s amusement, leisure and recreation sector presented a clear argument for support of the struggling sector, saying ‘the clear and present danger is real’.
“After working with the Federal Government for fourteen months on a solution we feel like they’ve just picked up the hammer from one of our high strikers and dropped it on us. If we can’t gain support this will mean the end of the line for thousands of people who work in our industry. And this will trickle down into the community. Imagine the Royal Easter Show or Ekka, or the hundreds of country shows without a sideshow alley and rides? Or iconic amusement parks like Luna Park or all the hundreds of local bowling alleys and family entertainment centres having to close their doors? The Government will effectively kill the fun for everyone if they don’t step up to help us find a solution. We all feel like they’ve taken us all for a ride,” added Shane McGrath.
“At this point, the Coalition government is unfit for office”
[The Saturday Paper, 30 April 2022, headline over an article by Dr. Stephen B. Mutch, former Liberal Member of the NSW Legislative Council, March 1988 to March 1995, Liberal Member for Cook in the Australian House of Representatives March 1996 to Oct 1998, Retired Honorary Fellow, Politics and International Relations, Macquarie University]
Australia recorded its largest quarterly & annual inflation increase in 21 years in the first Quarter of 2022.
The Cost of Living Index (CPI) rose 2.1 per cent cent in March 2022 quarter and 5.1 per cent annually - again largest annual change in 21 years.
That 5.1 per cent exceeds the 2021 annual rate of 3.5 per cent, as well as the overly optimistic projected inflation figure of 4.5 to 4.6 per cent floated by some economists for the March quarter.
Australian Bureau of Statistics, media release, 27 April 2022, excepts:
The most significant contributors to the rise in the March quarter CPI were new dwellings (+5.7 per cent), automotive fuel (+11.0 per cent) and tertiary education (+6.3 per cent)…..
Notable rises were also recorded across the food group (+2.8 per cent), reflecting high transport, fertiliser, packaging and ingredient costs, as well as COVID-related disruptions and herd restocking due to favourable weather. Main contributors to the rise in food prices included vegetables (+6.6 per cent), waters, soft drinks and juices (+5.6 per cent), fruit (+4.9 per cent) and beef (+7.6 per cent)…..
The grocery component of the group, which excludes meals out and takeaway foods, rose 4.0 per cent in the March quarter." Ms Marquardt said.
Prices for other grocery items, such as non-durable household products (+6.7 per cent), which includes products such as toilet paper and paper towels, also rose in the March quarter….
The price of goods (+6.6 per cent) rose more strongly through the year than that of services (+3.0 per cent)…..
It appears that cost of living increase is now running significantly ahead of wages growth in Australia.
Prime Minister Scott Morrison's one-off election campaign bribe of $250 for eligible Centrelink/DVA recipients won't even touch the edges of the yawning gap which has developed between income and costs due to the broad base of rising prices. In fact the positive impact of this so-called Cost of Living Payment is unlikely to last beyond polling day in many low-income family households.
Looking at past Liberal Party of Australia political rorts may help to assess Scott Morrison's current election campaign promises which have a dollar amount attached when first announced and/or a specific electorate is included in the announcement.
So what has all the Liberal Party's much touted "individual freedom and free enterprise" delivered since 2013?
Well between 2013 and 2018 it appears to have delivered federal regional grants totally $714,563,851. With 57.62% of this funding directed to 77 Coalition-held electorates and, the remaining 26.92% going to 74 other electorates - 68 ALP & 6 minor party/independent.
Some electorates such as Hinkler (Qld) held by Nats-LNP since 1993 received well in excess of $26 million in regional grants. Mallee (Vic) held by Nats since 1972 and Capricornia (Qld) held by LNP since 2013 received over $24 million each. While Dawson (Qld) held by LNP since 2010 received over $31 million - and on it went over the approximately six year span.
Has this brazenly partisan allocation of Treasury funds lessened under the prime ministership of the Liberal MP for Cook?
Apparently not, because the bulk of the billions listed in the next paragraph were distributed on Morrison's watch.
According to The Sydney Morning Herald on 16 April 2022, taxpayers have funded $55.6 billion in federal government grants over less than 4 years (including a hefty $20 billion last year) under rules that give ministers sweeping powers to decide payments, often without any criteria or reporting & against departmental advice. From January to March this year another $1 billion was distributed as grants.
So where might some of those $55.6 billion dollars have found a home?
Nor being a forensic accountant I am not up to the task of tracking that down, but there are some clues to be found.
Take the joint Federal-States Black Summer Bushfire Recovery Grants Program.
The “Black Summer” bushfire season actually ran from July 2019 through to early March 2020 and during this period est. 2.9 million adult Australians had their property damaged, their property threatened, or had to be evacuated, often along with their families.
This Black Summer Bushfire Recovery Grants Program funding pool held $390,893,779 – with $296,746,274 allocated and $94,147,508 still unspent in February 2021.
Over 100 local government areas in Queensland, New South Wales and Victoria were listed in the grant eligibility criteria.
A total of 57.63% of all grant allocations worth est. $171,035,576 went to Coalition electorates, 31.33% worth $92,994,495 to Labor electorates and, 11.02% worth $32,716,230 to Independent/minor party electorates.
In December 2020 it was revealed that one of Australia's richest men who happens to be a Liberal Party donor had received $10 million in bushfire recovery funding - to expand a paper mill not directly affected by fire.
In February 2022 the Morrison Government announced that the Black Summer Bushfire Recovery Fund had received an additional $110 million for 524 "broad recovery projects" with unspecified recipients. The this grants program is now listed as closed.
Just in case a reader might think that the nature of that 2019-2020 mega bushfire season might have skewed funding allocations, here is another example which clearly indicates bias.
Round 5 of the Building Better Regions Fund – Infrastructure Projects Stream.
There it is in glorious colour.
A total of 73. 23% of this grant round, worth est. $215,281,617 going to Coalition electorates and 26.76% worth est. $78,678,728 going to electorates held by Labor and the cross benches. Liberal & LNP MPs receiving the bulk of this largesse held federal seats in New South Wales and Queensland.
Then there is the National Commuter Car Park Fund.
The Urban Congestion Fund (UCF) was established in the 2018–19 Budget. Total funding for the UCF had grown from $1 billion to $4.8 billion as at 31 March 2021.The National Commuter Car Park Fund is a component of the UCF.
This is what commuter car park funding allocation looked like in February 2021.
A total of 77 Liberal Party electorates received a whopping 81.75% of the total funding pool worth $575,890,000. Among the Liberal Party luminaries lining up for the prime minister’s largesse were; Josh Frydenberg (Kooyong Vic), Alan Tudge (Aston Vic), Tim Wilson (Goldstein Vic), Michael Sukkar (Deakin Vic), Jason Wood (La Trobe Vic), Angus Taylor (Hume NSW), David Colman (Banks NSW), Stuart Robert (Fadden Qld), Bert Van Manen (Forde Qld) Peter Dutton (Dickson Qld) and Andrew Hastie (Canning WA).
In June 2021 the Australian Auditor-General handed down a performance report titled “Administration of Commuter Car Park Projects within the Urban Congestion Fund”.
The performance report found numerous inadequacies, including:
at 31 March 2021, there had been 44 commuter car park projects announced involving upgrades at 47 identified sites with a total Australian Government funding commitment of $660.4 million;
assessment work had been completed for 10 car parks resulting in $100 million of Australian Government funding being approved for the full project (including delivery of construction work). Construction had been completed at two sites and had commenced at a further three sites;
The Department of Infrastructure’s administration of the commuter car park projects within the Urban Congestion Fund was not effective;
The department’s approach to identifying and selecting commuter car park projects for funding commitment was not appropriate. It was not designed to be open or transparent. The department did not engage with state governments and councils, which increased the risk that selected projects would not deliver the desired outcomes at the expected cost to the Australian Government. Departmental advice did not contain an assessment against the investment principles or policy objectives and it was not demonstrated that projects were selected on merit. The distribution of projects selected reflected the geographic and political profile of those given the opportunity by the government to identify candidates for funding consideration; and
The selection of 47 commuter car park sites for funding commitment were decisions of government taken over the period January to July 2019 and:
effected in 38 cases (81 per cent) by the written agreement of the Prime Minister to a written request from Ministers;
effected in seven cases (15 per cent) by the election commitment process; and
in two cases (four per cent) the department had not evidenced how the funding commitment was effected, beyond email advice from the Minister’s Office and a media announcement by the Prime Minister. [my yellow highlighting]
By 2022 it was apparent that most of 47 commuter car parks which had funding allocated were no longer considered active proposals and at least 5 proposed car parks appear to have been scrubbed from the original list – 4 in Labor electorates and one in a Liberal Party electorate.
Lack of transparency, across the board poor record keeping, no apparent accountability for decisions made and politically partisan use of public money - are all indicators of corrupt processes in this particular grant fund.
This next chart demonstrates funding allocations for sports infrastructure.
A breakdown of full details can be found at:
https://www.thevogfiles.com/uploads/1/3/5/1/135189168/copy_of_sporting_grants5_1.xlsx
To say that voters are not happy with the Liberal Party is an understatement. This was one voter in the Australian Capital Territory......
“Firstly, the biggest misdirect, perhaps lie, perpetrated by the Liberals is that they are a Federal Political Party - a single administrative & policy unit like the ALP. They are a bunch of independent Fiefdoms, ruled in what looks like a Feudal system with a truly byzantine organisation…..
I’ve looked at the Liberal Federal Secretariat & "Liberal Party NSW" sites and they don’t publish any “Values”,
They publish some very rubbery & loose “Beliefs”. Untestable, and unaccountable motherhood statements. Summarised at the end as:
“In short, we believe in individual freedom and free enterprise"
Tony Abbott around 2013 clearly annunciated both Liberal Party Values & Purpose: “We are not Labor”.
Nobody in their right mind would invest in a company with the absence of proper Governance & Accountability embodied in the many “Liberal” party Fiefdoms in Australia, nor would they tolerate the absence of consistent Values, Priorities and Policies.” [Voter from Kippax, ACT, 3 March 2022]
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