Showing posts with label Centrelink. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Centrelink. Show all posts
Monday 11 February 2019
Morrison & Co off to the Australian High Court to defend the indefensible - Centrelink's robo-debt
The
Guardian, 6
February 2019:
Centrelink has
now wiped, reduced or written off 70,000 “robo-debts”, new figures show, as the
government’s automated welfare compliance system scheme faces a landmark court
challenge.
Victoria Legal Aid on
Wednesday announced a challenge to the way Centrelink evaluates whether a
person owes a welfare debt under the $3.7bn system. It will argue the “crude
calculations” created using tax office information are insufficient to assess a
person’s earnings and, therefore, are unlawful….
Victoria Legal Aid’s
court challenge was also welcomed by the Australian Council of Social Service
chief executive Cassandra Goldie, who said the scheme was a “devastating abuse
of government power…..
Alternative Law Journal. Emeritus Professor of Law (Syd Uni)
Terry Carney, Robo-debt
illegality: The seven veils of failed guarantees of the rule of law?, 17
December 2018:
The
government's on-line-compliance (robo-debt) initiative unlawfully and
unethically seeks to place an onus on supposed debtors to ‘disprove’ a
data-match debt or face the prospects of the amount being placed in the hands
of debt collectors. It is unlawful because Centrelink, not the supposed debtor,
bears the legal onus of ‘proving’ the existence and size of any debt not
accepted by the supposed debtor. And it
is unethical because the alleged debts are either very greatly inflated or even
non-existent (as found by the Ombudsman), and
because the might of government is used to frighten people
into paying up – a practice rightly characterised as a form of extortion. How
could government, accountability avenues, and civil society have enabled such a
state of illegality to go publicly unidentified for almost 18 months and still
be unremedied at the date of writing?
This
article suggests the answer to that question lies in serious structural
deficiencies and oversights in the design and operation of accountability and
remedial avenues at seven different levels:
1. In a lack of standards to prevent
rushed government design and introduction of machine learning (‘smart’) systems
of decision-making;
2. In a lack of diligence by
accountability agencies such as the Ombudsman or Audit Office;
3. In a lack of ethical standards of
administration or compliance by Centrelink with model litigant protocols;
4. In a lack of transparency of the
first of two possible tiers of Administrative Appeals Tribunal review (AAT1),
resulting in a lack of protections against gaming of review by way of agency
non-acquiescence or strategic non-contestation;
5. In a lack of guarantees of
independence and funding security to enable first line Legal Aid or community
legal centre/welfare rights bodies (CLC/WRC) to test or call out illegality in
the face of thwarting of challenges by Centrelink settling of potential test
cases;
6. In a lack of sufficient pro-bono
professional or civil society capacity to mount ‘second line’ test case
litigation or other systemic advocacy; and
7. In tolerance, especially in some
media quarters, of a ‘culture’ of political and public devaluing of the
significance of breaches of the rule of law and rights of vulnerable welfare
clients.
It
is argued that a multifaceted set of initiatives are required if such breaches
of legal and ethical standards are to be avoided in the future.
Why
is it clear that robo-debt is unlawful?
The
pivot for this article is not so much that Centrelink lacks legal authority for
raising virtually all debts based on a robo-debt ‘reverse onus’ methodology
rather than use its own information gathering powers – for this remains
essentially uncontested. Rather
it is extraordinary that this went unpublicised and uncorrected for over two
years. So first a few words about the illegality as it affects working age
payments such as Newstart (NSA) and Youth allowance (YA).
Robo-debt
is unlawful because Centrelink is always responsible for ‘establishing’ the
existence and size of supposed social security debts. This is because the
legislation provides that a debt arises only if another section creates
a debt, such
as one based on the difference between the amount paid and the amount to which
a person is entitled. And
because Centrelink bears a ‘practical onus’ to establish this. If Centrelink
cannot prove up a debt from its own enquiries or information supplied to it,
the status quo (no debt/lawful receipt of payments) applies. This
has been the law since 1984 when the full Federal Court decided McDonald. Unless
the alleged debtor is one of the rare employees who had only a single job paid
at a constant fortnightly pay rate, Centrelink fails to discharge this onus
when its robo-debt software generates a debt by apportioning total
earnings reported to the Australian Taxation Office (ATO) from particular jobs to
calculate average earnings. Robo-debt treats fluctuating earnings as if
that income was earned evenly at the same rate in each and every fortnight.
Mathematically this is wrong because an average for a fluctuating
variable never speaks to its constituent parts. And it is
the actual income for constituent fortnights that as a matter of law
is crucial for calculating the rate of a working age payment such as NSA or YA.
Read the full
article here.
Monday 24 December 2018
How the Turnbull & Morrison Coalition Governments suspended legal principle and stooped to extortion in order to pursue vulnerable welfare recipients
In July 2016
the Department of Human Services (DHS) - Centrelink launched a new online
compliance intervention (OCI) system for raising and recovering debts.
Its aim was
to raise up to $1 billion dollars allegedly owed by welfare recipients.
This
compliance intervention became known colloquially as robo-debt.
Current
Australian Prime Minister and Liberal MP for Cook Scott Morrison was federal treasurer for the first two years of the
ongoing robo-debt scheme.
During this
time the suicide of welfare recipients being pursued for so-called debt
recovery began
to be reported.
Since 2016 only a small number of welfare recipients have brought their robo-debts before the Administrative Appeals Tribunal for adjudication. It has reportedly set aside 34 per cent of these robo-debts (or one in every three) and varied another 2,4 per cent.
Most welfare recipients don't have the resources to fight these alleged debts.
The
Guardian, 18 December 2018:
Centrelink’s “robo-debt”
system is a form of illegal extortion allowed by failings across a “plethora”
of democratic and legal institutions, according to a former member of the
administrative appeals tribunal.
Prof Terry Carney, a
long-serving member of the AAT, has penned an extraordinary attack on the
institutional failings that allowed the
robo-debt program.
It’s the second time
Carney, who helped oversee the writing of Australia’s social security laws, has
used academic journals to condemn the
system as illegal this year.
Carney’s last
paper said robo-debt involved the enforcement of “illegal” debts that
in some cases were inflated or nonexistent, an allegation that was forcefully
rejected by the Department of Human Services. Hank Jongen, the department’s
spokesman, said at the time that the department “strongly refutes any claims
that it has conducted its compliance activities in a manner which is
inconsistent with the legislation”.
This time, Carney used a
piece in the Alternative Law Journal to map out the numerous shortcomings that
allowed the system to come into being and operate for 18 months without
challenge.
“The pivot for this article is not so much
that Centrelink lacks legal authority for raising virtually all debts
based on a robo-debt ‘reverse onus’ methodology rather than use its own
information gathering powers – for this remains essentially uncontested,” he
wrote. “Rather it is extraordinary that this went unpublicised and uncorrected
for over two years.”
Centrelink has long used
a system of automated data-matching to detect discrepancies in income reported
by welfare recipients, to detect and claw back overpayments. But it introduced
significant changes from July 2016, reducing human oversight and expanding the
system considerably in a bid to recover more debts and improve the budget. The
new system effectively
shifted the onus onto the welfare recipient to prove they owed no debt
to the government.
The system spat out
letters to individual welfare recipients as soon a discrepancy was detected in
their reported income to Centrelink and records held by other agencies, like
the tax office.
A flawed process
was used
to calculate their debt if they did not respond or could not produce
evidence of their previous pay, which involved averaging out their yearly
income across all 26 of Centrelink’s fortnightly reporting periods. The process
often led to the false assumption that a welfare recipient had worked across an
entire year and was ineligible for social security, thereby creating a debt.
Carney argues the rushed
design of what he described as a “machine-learning budget ‘savings measure’”
trumped good design standards. He says inquiries by the auditor general and the
commonwealth ombudsman into the system had failed to consider whether it was
raising debts on a lawful basis.
Carney also argues that
Centrelink, by pursuing debts raised through the controversial “income
averaging” technique, has failed to adhere to ethical administration. He says
Centrelink has continued to use this method, despite knowing AAT rulings that
it is invalid…….
The privacy safeguards
in the first tier of the AAT mean that most legal challenges against welfare
debts are not publicised, he writes. That means that “rulings overturning
Centrelink reasoning remain hidden from the public”…..
TERRY
CARNEY AO, Emeritus Professor, University of Sydney, Centre for Health
Governance, Law and Ethics, 2018:
* Alternative
Law Journal, Robo-debt illegality: The seven veils of failed guarantees of the rule of law?
* Australian
Public Law, Robo-Debt
Illegality: A Failure of Rule of Law Protections?
* UNSW Law
Journal Forum, The
New Digital Future For Welfare: Debts Without Legal Proofs Or Moral Authority?
* University of
New South Wales Law Journal, Vulnerability:
False Hope For Vulnerable Social Security Clients?
Thursday 13 December 2018
Centrelink's 'robodebt' headed to the Australian Federal Court?
9 News, 10 December 2018:
Centrelink’s robo-debt
recovery scheme was intended to seek out and destroy debts, but instead it’s
thrown more than 200,000 Australians into financial turmoil.
Now, Victoria’s former
head prosecutor, QC Gavin Silbert, is lending his voice and fighting back
against the controversial system which aims to claw back up to $4.5 billion in
welfare overpayments.
“I think it’s illegal
and I think it’s scandalous. In any other situation, you’d call it theft. I
think they’re bullying very vulnerable people,” Mr Silbert told A Current
Affair.
“If debts are owed to
the public purse they should be paid, they should be pursued. These are not
such debts,” he said.
He’s teamed up with
Melbourne-based solicitor Jeremy King to take a pro bono case to the Federal
Court which, if successful, could derail the robo-debt scheme and see thousands
of debts wiped.
“I hope this would set a
precedent to show that the way this robo-debt scheme had been rolled out is not
in accordance with the law and all of the other debts that have been sent out
to people are not in accordance with the law,” Mr King said....
The
Sydney Morning Herald,
2 December 2018:
Gavin Silbert, QC, who
retired as the state's chief crown prosecutor in March, has accused the
Department of Human Services of ignoring its legal obligations and acting like
a bully towards some of the nation's most vulnerable people.
A potential legal
challenge could have significant implications for future enforcement of the
robo-debt program, which aims to claw back up to $4.5 billion in welfare
overpayments with more than 1.5 million "compliance interventions".
Mr Silbert became embroiled
in the dispute when someone he knew was issued with a demand to repay a debt of
$10,230.97, which the department claimed was overpaid by Centrelink between
2010 and 2013.
He has provided pro bono
advice and helped prepare correspondence to the department, which repeatedly
asked for an explanation on how the debt was calculated.
However, the
department's compliance branch has ignored nine letters between May and
November 2018 that requested additional information. Last week, it made threats
to impose interest charges on the original debt.
"Other than the
bald assertion that I have a debt, I have never received any details of how the
debt is alleged to have arisen or anything which would enable me to verify or
understand the demand made of me," Mr Silbert's client wrote on June 7.
In another letter, Mr
Silbert's client wrote: "There is not a court in the country that will
uphold your demands for interest in the absence of fundamental details of how
the amount is alleged to have arisen."
The dispute escalated
further when the department engaged debt collection agency Dun &
Bradstreet, which threatened Mr Silbert's client with a "departure
prohibition order" that would prevent him travelling overseas.
Mr Silbert is keen to
launch Federal Court action to test the legal basis of the robo-debt program
and the government's apparent unwillingness to provide particulars.
"I'm itching to get
this before a court," he told Fairfax Media.
He said legislation that
regulates data-matching technology requires the department to "give
particulars of the information and the proposed action" before it can
recover overpayments.
The robo-debt program,
introduced by the Coalition government, calculates a former welfare recipient's
debt by taking a fortnightly average rather than discovering the exact amount
that was claimed.
The department was
forced to concede it was no longer in possession of the original claims made to
Centrelink by Mr Silbert's friend, after he made requests under
freedom-of-information laws.
Labels:
#notmydebt,
Centrelink,
law,
welfare payments
Thursday 27 September 2018
Morrison Government is making sure that Centrelink clients' worst nightmares are coming true
The
Sydney Morning Herald,
20 September 2018:
Labour hire workers will
soon be used in face-to-face roles in Centrelink offices across the country, as
part of a six-month trial.
Thirty labour hire
workers will be used in some Centrelink offices in Queensland, South Australia
and Western Australia in what is believed to be self-managed support advisor
roles from next month. This person generally greets people as they enter Centrelink
offices and often directs them to using computers and phones in the offices.
The move is another step
in increasing use of labour hire at the agency, following on from the
announcement that 1500 call centre roles would be outsourced to Serco, Stellar
Asia Pacific, Concentrix Services and DataCom Connect.
It had also previously
been announced that 1000 staff from labour hire firms would be deployed at
Centrelink offices around the country, and a pilot program with Serco with 250
call centre staff means 2750 contractors have been hired since last year to
work at the agency. It's believed the trial is part of existing labour hire
contracts Human Services has with private companies.
A Department of Human
Services spokeswoman said the 30 staff members were additional staff.
"There are no job
losses associated with the move," the spokeswoman said.
The main public sector
union is worried that members of the public will be dealing with staff members
who aren't employed by the government.
"The CPSU is
seriously concerned that labour hire workers will now be the first port of call
for customers walking into a Centrelink office, instead of permanent members of
staff. We want Australians to be served by experienced and properly trained staff
members," Community and Public Sector Union deputy secretary Melissa
Donnelly said.
"The job might
sound easy but dealing with clients who may be agitated or distressed as they
walk into an office can be very difficult, and could pose a risk to the safety
of the workers."
It's not yet clear how
workloads will be managed in a role that was previously shared among Centrelink
staff throughout a shift.
“Experienced Centrelink
staff are able to manage that, but it’s going to be much harder for labour hire
workers who don’t have the same experience or background.
This is bad news for
those workers and bad news for members of the community who are trying to
access services," Ms Donnelly said.
* Private prison operator Serco has a disreptuable history in Australia and overseas.
See: https://www.sydneycriminallawyers.com.au/blog/serco-run-facilities-fraud-failures-and-fatal-errors/ & https://www.theaustralian.com.au/national-affairs/immigration/detention-centre-staff-condemned-by-coroner-over-deaths-of-villawood-detainees/news-story/e7716137afb293eda1294cca07f30ebe & https://www.independent.co.uk/news/business/news/serco-to-pay-back-69m-over-fraudulent-tagging-contracts-9015214.html &
http://www.abc.net.au/news/2016-02-12/melbourne-immigration-guard-sacked-over-sexual-harassment-claims/7163786
Sunday 8 July 2018
Australia 2018: just when registered jobseekers thought it couldn’t get any worse
The
Guardian, 2
July 2018:
All across the country
unemployed Australians are today bracing themselves for more stress and
suffering, as the Coalition unleashes its new needlessly cruel benefit
sanctions regime.
Starting 1 July, the
Turnbull government is granting job agencies new, unprecedented powers to
punish Newstart recipients for failing to comply with gruelling compliance
demands.
Under this new “demerit
point” system, agencies will now impose payment suspensions if (they believe)
jobseekers are behaving inappropriately, or failing to attend appointments and
activities like Work for the Dole without a“reasonable
excuse”.
Alarmingly,
jobseekers currently battling drug or alcohol related illnesses are now no
longer (“reasonably”) exempt from activities, nor safe from financial
punishment.
Until 1 July 2018,
Centrelink has been able to overturn any job agency penalties if it deems that
they’re unfair or will lead to “extreme poverty”. It will lose much of this
power. Now, job agencies will be able to punish their unemployed clients
without government regulation or oversight.
Unemployed workers will
also lose significant powers of appeal. They will have to passively accept many
of the decisions ordered against them. In short, privately owned job agencies –
many of which are for-profit private companies – will wield unlimited,
unchecked power over the unemployed.
Under this system,
unemployed workers can be completely cut off Newstart if they refuse to attend
unsafe work for the dole activities. Even though 64%
of sites are failing to meet basic safety standards, jobseekers will be
forced to accept any dangerous, hostile conditions they’re met with.
Given that government
funding to job agencies is tied to outcomes, such as placing participants into
work for the dole, there is little incentive for job agencies to treat
unemployed workers fairly. On the contrary – there are significant financial
incentives to abuse unemployed workers.
Already this abuse has reached crisis proportions.
In 2015-16, job agencies
imposed a record 2m financial penalties on the unemployed.
As noted by the
National Welfare Rights Network, roughly half of these penalties were found
to be unfair and were rejected by Centrelink. This means that in 2015-16,
more than 1 million unemployed people had their payments cut off when they did
nothing wrong.
This kind of error rate
is staggering – in any other sector, it would surely result in a royal
commission. Earlier this year, a suspected 5%
error rate at the Australian Tax Office resulted in an immediate government
investigation.
Clearly, a culture of
lawlessness and unaccountability already pervades the employment services
sector. Under the new “demerit point’”scheme, this $10bn industry will enjoy
even more freedom to run riot. The 800,000 unemployed workers attending job
agencies will be left to fend for themselves.....
The author of
this article is Jeremy Poxon, media officer for the Australian Unemployed
Workers Union.
Tuesday 24 April 2018
Centrelink sends in the debt collectors.....
Forget establishing that an actual debt exists – this is 2018 and come hell or high water the Turnbull Government wants to use Centrelink to prop up its financial bottom line in time for the May 2018 budget papers.
To that end Centrelink management has increased the number of alleged debts referred to contracted private debt collectors working on commission.
On 12 April 2017 The Guardian reported that: Centrelink has used private debt collectors to pursue 43% of the debts raised by its controversial “robo-debt” system, a rate vastly higher than normal.
By the end of the 2016-17 financial year Services Australia/Centrelink had raised 2,384,91 welfare recipient debts with a calculated worth of $2.8 billion, of which $1.64 billion is said to have been recovered - an est. $126,100,000 to $126,280,000 by private debt collectors.
BACKGROUND
The Canberra Times, 9 June 2017:
Centrelink's controversial robo-debt program has been blamed for a huge surge in legal challenges by people facing the welfare agency's demands for money.
Centrelink debt cases at the federal appeals tribunal have soared by more than 50 per cent since mid-2016 and The Greens have laid the blame for the surge, which might take years to work its way through the system, squarely at the feet of robo-debt.
My office has worked tirelessly to assist scores of people who received incorrect Centrelink debt notices. In one case someone received a notice demanding $12,377.93 before we challenged the debt on their behalf & Centrelink conceded that they didn’t owe a single cent (1/2)— Peter Khalil MP (@PeterKhalilMP) February 20, 2018
My daughter got a debt FBT debt, she had no idea about until ATO took it out of her tax— DameJenntheAmazing Research Fellow of Smartarsery (@Jenn1964Hussey) February 21, 2018
She contacted her local MP for help
She got her money back plus an extra 1k due to same errors #robodebt @AustralianLabor please reinstate Social Security where we help not hinder vunerable
After a surprise call from @Centrelink alleging 10k of decade old debt and requesting bank statements dating back to 2008, @Centrelink have the gall to say I’m asking for “too much information” to see written proof of said debt. #notmydebt @not_my_debt Sorry WHAT?!— cam (@cam06056055) April 19, 2018
Update for 10yr old 10k robodebt. Have received NOTHING in writing @Centrelink. Got multiple calls requesting bank info from 10 yrs ago that ANZ can’t provide. 2day I was threatened with final call asking for these unattainable docs before the “algorithm” is applied @not_my_debt— cam (@cam06056055) April 20, 2018
For more examples go to
https://twitter.com/not_my_debt
or
https://www.notmydebt.com.au/stories/notmydebt-stories
Labels:
Centrelink,
government fraud,
robodebt
Thursday 12 April 2018
The only Australians who do not recognise the cruel farce that is 'robo-debt' are right-wing politicians, ideologues and the just plain ignorant
“It is trite
maths that statistical averages (whether means or medians) tell nothing about
the variability or otherwise of the underlying numbers from which averages are
calculated. Only if those underlying numbers do not vary at all is it possible
to extrapolate from the average a figure for any one of the component periods
to which the average relates. Otherwise the true underlying pattern may be as
diverse as the experience of Australia’s highly variable drought/flood pattern
in the face of knowledge of ‘average’ yearly rainfall figures. Yet precisely
such a mathematical fault lies at the heart of the introduction from July 2016
of the OCI machine-learning method for raising and recovering social security
overpayment debts. This extrapolates Australian Taxation Office (‘ATO’) data
matching information about the total amount and period over which employment
income was earned, and applies that average to each and every separate
fortnightly rate calculation period for working-age payments.” [Terry
Carney AO, UNSW Law Journal, Vol 42 No 2, THE NEW
DIGITAL FUTURE FOR WELFARE: DEBTS WITHOUT LEGAL PROOFS OR MORAL AUTHORITY?,
p2]
The
Canberra Times,
5 April 2018:
The Coalition
government's "robo-debt" program has been unlawfully raising debts
with welfare recipients, wreaking "legal and moral injustice", a
former administrative appeals tribunal member has said.
Emeritus professor of
law at the University of Sydney Terry Carney, who was on the Administrative
Appeals Tribunal for 40 years and was its longest serving member until
finishing in September, has weighed into the debate over the controversial debt
collection method saying the Department of Human Services has no legal basis to
raise debts when a client fails to ‘disprove’ they owe money.
While Professor Carney
urged it be made to comply with the law, the DHS rejected his comments, saying
its Online Compliance Intervention program was consistent with legislation.
"Robo-debt" -
the subject of a Commonwealth Ombudsman report and a Senate inquiry recommending sweeping reforms to the
program - was at the centre of a maelstrom of controversy last year and remains
loathed by critics calling for change….
Writing in the UNSW Law
Journal last
month, he said that despite the DHS' stance it remained responsible for
calculating debts based on actual earnings, not assumed averages.
“Centrelink’s
OCI radically changed the way overpayment debts are raised by purporting to absolve Centrelink from its
legal obligation to obtain sufficient information to found a debt in the event
that its ‘first instance’ contact with
the recipient is unable to unearth information about actual fortnightly earnings.
As noted by the Ombudsman, the major change was that Centrelink would ‘no
longer’ exercise its statutory powers to obtain wage records and that the
‘responsibility’ to obtain such information now lies with applicants seeking to
challenge a debt. Writing a little later, the Senate Community Affairs
References Committee challenged this, contending that
6.13 It is a basic legal principle that in order to
claim a debt, a debt must be proven to be owed. The onus of proving a debt must
remain with the department. This would include verifying income data in order
to calculate a debt. Where appropriate, verification can be done with the
assistance of income support payment recipients, but the final responsibility
must lie with the department. This would also preclude the practice of
averaging income data to manufacture a fortnightly income for the purposes of
retrospectively calculating a debt. …” [Terry Carney AO, UNSW Law Journal, Vol
42 No 2, THE NEW
DIGITAL FUTURE FOR WELFARE: DEBTS WITHOUT LEGAL PROOFS OR MORAL AUTHORITY?,
pp3-4]
Tuesday 6 March 2018
Is Australian welfare reform in 2018 a step back into a dark past?
Last year saw the completion of the Royal Commission into Institutional Responses to Child Sexual Abuse which revealed generational abuse within the Australian education and child welfare systems.
That year also revealed the ongoing failure of the Dept. of Human Services and Centrelink to fix its faulty national debt collection scheme, which possibly led to the deaths of up to eleven welfare recipients after they were issued debt advice letters.
The first quarter of 2018 brought a scathing United Nations report on Australia's contemporary human rights record titled Report of the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights defenders on his mission to Australia.
Along with a report into elder abuse in Oakden Older Persons Mental Health Service in South Australia and the release of a detailed Human Rights Watch investigation of 14 prisons in Western Australia and Queensland which revealed the neglect and physical/sexual abuse of prisoners with disabilities, particularly Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islanders.
The National Disability Insurance Scheme represents yet another crisis. The Productivity Commission has warned there is now no carer of last resort for patients in an emergency, care provider agencies are reportedly owed up to $300 million and disabled people are often receiving inadequate care via untrained staff or sometimes no care at all, as government disability care services are being closed in favour of the new privatised service delivery scheme.
None of these instances stand in isolation and apart from either Australian society generally or government policies more specifically.
They all represent the frequently meagre nature of community compassion and the real level of care governments have been willing to organise and fund for vulnerable citizens. In reality the ideal level of support and care for the vulnerable - that politicians spout assurances about from campaign hustings every three years - is just so much political hot air unless ordinary voters insist that it be otherwise.
As the Turnbull Coalition Government clearly intends to push forward with the full gamut of its punitive welfare reforms perhaps now it the time to consider if we have made any great strides towards a genuinely fair and egalitarian society in the last two hundred years or if we are only dressing up old cruelties in new clothes and calling this "looking after our fellow Australians”, "an exercise in practical love, "an exercise in compassion and in love".
History and Policy, Katie Barclay, Creating
‘cruel’ welfare systems: a historical perspective, 1 March 2018,
excerpts:
Over
the last two decades, commissions and reports on institutional care across the
western world have highlighted widespread physical, sexual, emotional and
economic violence within caring systems, often targeted at society’s most
vulnerable people, not least children, the disabled and the elderly. These have
often come at significant cost not just to the individual, but the nation. As
Maxwell has shown, national apologies, that require the nation to render itself
shamed by such practices, and financial redress to victims, have impacted on
political reputation, trust in state organisations, and finances. As each
report is released and stories of suffering fill newspapers and are quantified
for official redress, both scholars and the public have asked ‘how was this
allowed to happen?’ At the same time, and particularly in the last few years as
many countries have turned towards conservative fiscal policies, newspapers
also highlight the wrongs of current systems.
In
the UK, numerous reports have uncovered abuses within welfare systems, as
people are sanctioned to meet targets, as welfare staff are encouraged to withhold information about services or grants to
reduce demand, and through systematic rejection of first-try benefit applications to
discourage service use. Often excused as ‘isolated incidents’ on investigation,
such accounts are nonetheless increasingly widespread. They are accompanied by
a measurable reduction in investment in welfare and health systems, that have
required a significant withdrawal in services, and have been accompanied with
policies of ‘making work pay’ that have required that benefits be
brought in line, not with need, but with low working incomes. The impact of
these policies and associated staff behaviour have been connected to
increasing child and adult poverty, declining life expectancy, growing homelessness, and the rise in foodbank use.
Importantly,
public commentators on this situation have described this situation as ‘cruel’.
One headline saw a benefits advisor commenting ‘I get brownie points for cruelty’; another noted ‘Welfare reform is not only cruel but chaotic’. The system
depicted in Ken Loach’s I Daniel Blake (2016), described by reviewers
as a Kafka-esque nightmare, a ‘humiliating and spirit-sapping holding pattern of enforced
uselessness’, and a ‘comprehensive [system of] neglect and indifference’, was
confirmed by many as an accurate depiction. Whether or not this representation
of the current welfare system is held to be true, such reporting raises
significant questions about when and how systems designed to provide help and
support move from care to abuse. A focus on ‘isolated incidents’ today can be
compared to the blaming of ‘isolated perpetrators’ in historic cases of abuse,
an account that is now held by scholars to ignore the important role of systems
of welfare in enabling certain types of cruelty to happen…..
The
capacity of welfare systems to support individuals is shaped by cultural
beliefs and political ideologies around the relationship between work, human
nature, and welfare. Here late-eighteenth- and early-nineteenth-century Ireland
provides a productive example. Ireland in this period was marked by significant
levels of poverty amongst its lower orders, particularly those that worked in
agriculture. The capacity to manage that poverty on an individual level was
hindered by several economic downturns and harvest failure, that pushed people
to starvation. As a nation without a poor law (welfare) system until 1838, the
poor relied on charity, whether from individuals or institutions for relief. In
the late eighteenth and early nineteenth century, the ‘state’ (usually local
corporations) introduced more direct welfare, sometimes in the form of relief
payments but more usually access to workhouses.
After 1838 and until the crisis
of the 1847 famine, relief payments were removed and all welfare recipients had
to enter the workhouse. Accompanied by a growth in institutional charitable
services, the success and ‘care’ of the system could vary enormously between
areas and organisations. What it did not do is significantly reduce poverty
levels in the population.
Indeed,
it was important that the poverty levels of welfare recipients were not reduced
by the workhouse system. Like current ‘make work pay’ policies, poverty relief
measures were designed so that those in the workhouse or receiving charity
elsewhere did not have a significantly higher standard of living than those who
provided for themselves. This principle was determined based on the wage of an
independent labourer, one of the poorest but also largest categories of worker.
The problem for the system was that independent labourers earned so poorly that
they barely managed a subsistence diet. Their living conditions were extremely
poor; many slept on hay in darkened huts with little furnishings or personal
property.
Those
who managed the system believed that a generous welfare system would encourage
people to claim benefits and so could potentially bankrupt those paying into
the system. This encouraged an active policy of ‘cruelty’. Not only were
benefit recipients given meagre food and poor living conditions, but families
were routinely broken up, the sexes housed in different wings and prohibited from
seeing each other. Welfare recipients were often ‘badged’ or given uniforms to
mark their ‘shame’, and workhouse labour was designed to be particularly
physically challenging.
It
was a system underpinned by several interlocking beliefs about the Irish, the
value of work and the economy. Hard work was viewed as a moral characteristic,
something to be encouraged from childhood and promoted as ethical behaviour.
Certain groups, notably the Irish poor but also the British lower orders and
non-Europeans more generally, were viewed as lacking this moral characteristic
and required it to be instilled by their social betters. Welfare systems that
were not carefully designed to be ‘less eligible’ (i.e. a harsher experience
than ‘normal; life for the working poor), were understood to indulge an innate
laziness…..
Throughout
history, welfare services have required considerable economic investment.
Unsurprisingly, this has required those who run institutions of care for people
also to keep a careful eye on their financial bottom line. More broadly, it has
also required a monitoring of services to ensure value for money for the state
and its taxpayers and to protect the interests of the service users. As has
been seen recently in discussions of targets placed on staff providing welfare
provision in the UK, such measuring systems can come to shape the nature and
ethos of the service in damaging ways.
A
relevant historical example of this is from the Australian laundry system in
the late nineteenth and twentieth century. Young women were placed in youth
homes and registered as delinquent for a wide range of reasons from petty
criminal behaviour to perceived immorality (ranging from flirting with the
opposite sex to premarital pregnancy), to having been neglected by parents.
These homes, often run by religious organisations, were designed to ‘reform’
young (and occasionally older) women, preventing them from entering
prostitution or other criminal pursuits. The main mechanism for ‘reform’ was through
a moral discipline of work, which in many of these organisations revolved
around a professional laundry service. Work was often unpaid or paid at very
nominal sums, given to women on their release. The service, which catered to
the general public, kept institutions financially afloat, and many became
significant-sized businesses. They required women to work very long hours, in
challenging conditions. Accidents, particularly burns, were not unusual. As
businesses grew, other ‘reform’ efforts that ran alongside, such as education,
became rarer.
The
laundry became the driving focus of the institution. The women were cheap
labour, and managing that machine became not just a means to an end, but shaped
the logic and functioning of the care service. It is an example of how an
economic imperative can come to adversely impact on care, by disrupting the
purposes and functions of the service. It was also a process that significantly
reduced the level of ‘care’ that such institutions provided, not only through a
physical job that wore on the body but one reinforced with physical punishment,
which came to include emotional and sexual abuse, and poor food and living
conditions……
There
are significant variations between the institutional care described here for
the nineteenth century and a contemporary welfare state that encourages users,
as much as possible, to remain outside ‘the system’. The capacity for ‘the
state’ to control every dimension of a person’s life today is significantly
reduced; conversely, the ability of those in need to fall into service ‘gaps’
as they cannot access services or negotiate bureaucratic systems, is in some
ways increased. Nonetheless, there are parallels in the operation of both
systems that should give contemporary policymakers pause. Abusive care does not
just emerge from individual perpetrators, from the institutional model, or even
a lack of policies on staff-client relationships, but also from the wider
values and beliefs that shape the production of welfare systems; from the
financial and emotional investments that we place in institutions; and from the
corruption or occlusion of institutional targets and goals.
Ensuring
that the ‘cruel’ practices reported of current systems do not become systematic
issues on the scale of previous institutional abuses therefore requires not
just monitoring a few rogue individuals, but a clear goal about what our
welfare systems should achieve. The needs and interests of service users should
be placed at their heart, coupled with a significant social, cultural and
political investment in ensuring that goal is achieved. All other goals and
targets for welfare service providers, especially their frontline staff, should
be secondary to that and carefully designed so as not to interfere with that
end. With rising rates of poverty, homelessness and illness, welfare systems
look to continue to hold a central role in society for the foreseeable future.
It is imperative that the abusive practices of previous ‘caring’ regimes are
left firmly in the past.
Wednesday 7 February 2018
CENTRELINK ROBO-DEBT: the nightmare continues
Given that the Turnbull Government continues to
apply a faulty algorithm to Centrelink
debt collection in 2018, private debt collectors remain financially incentivised
to aggressively chase debts which may not actually exist, former welfare
recipients may still receive debt recovery fee demands and government intends
to expand collection to other groups/forms of declared income, while Minister for Human Services Alan Tudge
is yet to fix the problems with ‘phone wait times, perhaps a reminder of what
the title Online Compliance Intervention actually
hides and what the alternative term robo-debt describes……..
Cory Doctorow writing in Boing
Boing, 1 February 2018:
In
a textbook example of the use of big data to create a digital poorhouse, as
described in Virginia Eubanks's excellent new book Automating
Inequality, the Australian government created an algorithmic,
semi-privatised system to mine the financial records of people receiving
means-tested benefits and accuse them of fraud on the basis of its findings,
bringing in private contractors to build and maintain the system and collect
the penalties it ascribed, paying them a commission on the basis of how much
money they extracted from poor Australians.
The
result was a predictable kafkaesque nightmare in which an unaccountable black
box accused poor people, students, pensioners, disabled people and others
receiving benefits of owing huge sums, sending abusive, threatening debt
collectors after them, and placing all information about the accusations of
fraud at the other end of a bureaucratic nightmare system of overseas phone-bank
operators with insane wait-times.
GillianTerzis writing in Logic,
a magazine about technology, 2017:
Automation
is dehumanizing in a literal sense: it removes human experience from the
equation. In the case of the robo-debt scandal, automation also stripped humans
of their narrative power. The algorithm that generated these debt notices
presented welfare recipients with contrasting stories: the recipients claimed
they’d followed the rules, but the computer said otherwise.
There
were few official ways to explain one’s circumstances: twenty-nine million
calls to Centrelink went unanswered in 2016, and Centrelink’s Twitter account
seems explicitly designed to discourage conversational exchange. One source of
narrative resistance is notmydebt.com.au, a website run entirely by volunteers
that gathers false debt stories from ordinary Australians so that the “scandal
can't be plausibly minimised or denied.”
Over
time it was revealed that many of these debts were miscalculated or, in some
cases, non-existent. One man I’d read about was on a government pension and
saddled with a $4,500 bill, which was revised down months later to $65. Another
recipient, who was on disability as a result of mental illness, had a debt
notice of $80,000 that was later recalled. A small proportion of recipients
were exclusively in contact with private debt collectors and received no
official notice from Centrelink at all.
Soon
it emerged that social services were a lucrative avenue for corporate
interests: this year’s Senate inquiry revealed that some private agencies
tasked with recouping debts were working on a commission basis, pocketing a
percentage of the debts they had recovered for the government regardless of
their validity. (All debt notices issued by private agencies were eventually
rescinded after government review in February 2017.)
The
methodology of the algorithm itself was riddled with flaws. It calculates the
average of an individual’s annual income reported to the Australian Tax Office …..and
compares it with the fortnightly earnings reported to Centrelink by the welfare
recipient. All welfare recipients are required to declare their gross earnings
(income accrued before tax and other deductions) within this fourteen-day
period. Any discrepancy between the two figures is interpreted by the algorithm
as proof of undeclared or underreported income, from which a notice of debt is
automatically generated.
Previously,
these inconsistencies would be handled by Centrelink staff, who would call up
your employer, confirm the amount you received in fortnightly payments, and
cross-index that figure with the one calculated in the system. But the
automation of the debt recovery process has outsourced authority from humans to
the algorithm itself.
It’s
certainly efficient: it takes the algorithm one week to generate 20,000 debt
notices, a process that would take up to a year if done manually. But it’s not
a reliable method of fraud detection. It’s blunt, unwieldy, and error-prone. It
assumes that variations in the data sets are deliberate, and that recipients
have received more than what they are entitled to. What’s more, the onus is on
the welfare recipient to prove their income has been reported correctly and
that the entitlements they have received are commensurate within twenty-one
days.
Yet,
as many critics have noted, this income-averaging method is porous. It fails to
accurately account for the fluctuating fortunes of casual or contract workers,
which often results in variations between the two figures. There’s also no way
for the algorithm to correct for basic errors in the system’s database. It
cannot yet discern whether an employer’s legal name has been used instead of
its various business names—it treats them as separate entities, and therefore
separate sources of income—or whether conflicting reports are caused by basic
mistakes, such as spelling errors or typos. These seemingly small distinctions
are ones that only a human could make. It’s no wonder, then, that conservative
estimates of its error rate hover at 20 percent……
Yet
the irony of stigmatizing welfare recipients is that better-off Australians are
major beneficiaries of social spending. The Australian writer Tim Winton notes
that the country’s middle class has “an increasing sense of entitlement to
welfare,” which is “duly disbursed largely at the expense of the poor, the
sick, and the unemployed.” These include tax concessions on contributions to
“superannuation,” which are funds designed to help Australians save for their
retirement. Such concessions are distortionary: they’re levied at a flat rate
of 15 percent, rather than at a progressive rate according to one’s income,
which means their benefits are reaped overwhelmingly by the rich.
The
Australian Bureau of Statistics calculates that nearly one third of these concessions
are claimed by the top 10 percent of income earners in Australia. Then there
are policies like negative gearing, a tax concession that allows you to claim a
deduction against your wage income for losses generated by any rental
properties you own. (Australia and New Zealand are the only countries in the
world to hold such a policy.) In addition, Australian homeowners are entitled
to a capital gains tax discount of 50 percent once the property is sold.
Critics
have argued that the combination of these two policies only serves to fuel
investor speculation, entrench housing unaffordability, and lock first-time
home buyers out of the market. But it’s easier to attack the poor than to tax
the rich.
Commonwealth Ombudsman, Centrelink’s
Automated Debt Raising And Recovery System: A Report About The Department Of Human
Services’ Online Compliance Intervention System For Debt Raising And Recovery, April 2017:
EXECUTIVE
SUMMARY
In
July 2016 the Department of Human Services (DHS) - Centrelink launched a new
online compliance intervention (OCI) system for raising and recovering debts.
The OCI matches the earnings recorded on a customer’s Centrelink record with
historical employer-reported income data from the Australian Taxation Office
(ATO). Parts of the debt raising process previously done manually by compliance
officers within DHS are now done using this automated process. Customers are
asked to confirm or update their income using the online system. If the
customer does not engage with DHS either online or in person, or if there are
gaps in the information provided by the customer, the system will fill the gaps
with a fortnightly income figure derived from the ATO income data for the
relevant employment period (‘averaged’ data).
Since the initial rollout of the
OCI, the Commonwealth Ombudsman’s office has received many complaints from
people who have incurred debts under the OCI. This report examines our concerns
with the implementation of the OCI, using complaints we investigated as case
study examples.
We acknowledge the changes DHS has made to the OCI since its
initial rollout. The changes have been positive and have improved the usability
and accessibility of the system. However, we consider there are several areas
where further improvements could be made, particularly before use of the OCI is
expanded. We have made several recommendations to address these areas......
Planning
and risk management
In
our view, many of the OCI’s implementation problems could have been mitigated
through better project planning and risk management at the outset. This includes
more rigorous user testing with customers and service delivery staff, a more
incremental rollout, and better communication to staff and stakeholders. DHS’
project planning did not ensure all relevant external stakeholders were
consulted during key planning stages and after the full rollout of the OCI.
This is evidenced by the extent of confusion and inaccuracy in public
statements made by key non-government stakeholders, journalists and
individuals.
A
key lesson for agencies and policy makers when proposing to rollout large scale
measures which require people to engage in a new way with new digital channels,
is for agencies to engage with stakeholders and provide resources for adequate
manual support during transition periods. We have recommended DHS undertake a
comprehensive evaluation of the OCI in its current form before it is
implemented further and any future rollout should be done incrementally.
Centrelink website, 5 February 2018:
If you don’t pay your
debt by the due date, we may ask the Australian Taxation Office (ATO) to send
us your tax refund. If we do we’ll send you a Recovery of your Centrelink debt
letter.
If you aren’t repaying
your debt over time or if we haven’t agreed to extend the payment time, we may
also:
* add an interest charge
to your debt
* refer your debt to an
external collection agency
* reduce your income
support payments to help pay the amount owing
* recover the amount
from your wages, other income and assets, including money you may hold in a
bank account
* refer your case to our
solicitors for legal action
* issue a Departure
Prohibition Order to stop you from travelling overseas....
The rate of interest we apply to your
debt is consistent with the current rate applied by the ATO to tax debts.
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