Sixteen days before the Morrison Government signed the Australia-United Kingdom-United States of America (AUKUS) pact, Morrison & Co formalised another set of diplomatic, economic, international & regional security undertaking with France. Here are all 22 points....

 

When on 16 September 2021 Australian Prime Minister and Liberal MP for Cook Scott Morrison announced the15 September AUKUS pact, a new 'enhanced' trilateral security partnership with the United Kingdom and United States of America along with the cancellation of a submarine fleet contract, it was barely seventeen days after he and his government had signed off on the 22 point undertakings in the 30 August Inaugural Australia-France 2+2 Ministerial Consultations. 

It is no wonder that France is feeling betrayed. The very existence of AUKUS put into doubt every line of this inaugural ministerial agreement spanning five decades.

 

 A fact that the French Government recognises when it speaks of the need to redefine its relationship with Australia.

No less a person than one of the signatories to the Australia-France inaugural ministerial agreement, Jean-Yves Le Drian, Minister for Europe and Foreign Affairs of France, firmly denies there had been any advance consultations with France ahead of Morrison's announcement.

The French Ambassador to Australia, Jean-Pierre Thebault, in a 43 minute speech at the National Press Club on 3 November 2021 clearly differentiated between the Australian people and their current federal Government. On one hand expressing a high regard for Australia and Australians and a polite contempt for a deceitful, untrustworthy Morrison Government and "certain aspects of the Canberra Bubble and its secret cities practices". He confirmed the French Government's firm belief it had been misled and openly lied to by Prime Minister Scott Morrison.

Inaugural Australia-France 2+2 Ministerial Consultations

Joint statement with:

• Jean-Yves Le Drian, Minister for Europe and Foreign Affairs of France
• Florence Parly, Minister for the Armed Forces of France
• The Hon Peter Dutton MP, Minister for Defence of Australia

30 August 2021

1 - At the inaugural Australia-France Foreign and Defence (2+2) Ministerial Consultations, Ministers reflected on the strength of our strategic partnership, in promoting an open and inclusive Indo-Pacific region and a rules-based international order that underpins long-term security and prosperity.

2 - These discussions built on Prime Minister Morrison's official visit to Paris in June 2021, at the invitation of President Emmanuel Macron, where the two leaders agreed on common bilateral, regional and global priorities.

3 - Ministers reaffirmed the shared values, interests and principles that underpin the bilateral relationship, as reflected in the Joint Statement of Enhanced Strategic Partnership between Australia and France, and the Vision Statement on the Australia-France Relationship. They agreed to publish a report on the Australia-France initiative (AFiniti) to highlight the depth and breadth of cooperative activities.

4 - Ministers reaffirmed the importance of regional cooperation to overcome the health and economic impacts of COVID-19 and its Delta variant in the Indo-Pacific, and agreed to continue to support regional countries' responses, including through the timely and equitable distribution of safe and effective vaccines to enable comprehensive coverage across the Pacific and globally as soon as possible. They reaffirmed their common support to the ACT Accelerator and to the COVAX facility towards reaching this goal, including through vaccine dose-sharing commitments and increasing production capacities.

5 - Ministers highlighted the importance of strengthening the immediate global response to address climate change and environmental degradation. They recommitted to the full implementation of the Paris Agreement and to intensify global action in the lead up to COP26 to decarbonize their economies, pursue collaboration on renewable energies and achieve a fair transition. Ministers especially welcomed collaboration on zero and low emissions technologies, including hydrogen, and looked forward to further investments in the clean energy transition. They also reaffirmed their determination to reach an ambitious framework on biodiversity protection at COP 15 to the Convention on Biological Diversity.

6 - Both sides committed to counter efforts to exploit the COVID-19 crisis to advance geopolitical ambitions, including by addressing escalations in foreign interference, disinformation and malicious cyber activity. Australia and France will cooperate further to apply international law to digital technologies by developing common rules securing stronger and more stable infrastructure against cyber-attacks. Ministers committed to promoting economic openness and opposing coercive economic practices, which undermine rules-based international trade.

7 - Australia and France agreed to cooperate to uphold the integrity of the multilateral system and protect international rules, norms and values. Ministers committed to ensure multilateral institutions are fit-for-purpose, open and transparent, accountable to member states and free from undue influence and politicisation. They reaffirmed their continued engagement within the Alliance for Multilateralism launched by France and Germany.

8 - Both sides agreed to work together to promote their shared democratic principles and defend the universality of human rights.

International and Regional Security

9 - As partners committed for many years to helping Afghanistan build its future, Ministers expressed concern at the deepening humanitarian crisis. They condemned in the strongest possible terms the attacks carried out on 26 August and joined their Afghan, US and UK friends in mourning their terrible loss. Both sides called on the Taliban to cease all violence against civilians and respect international humanitarian law and the human rights all Afghans are entitled to, including women and girls. They called on the Taliban to fulfil their commitment to allow for the safe and unhindered departure of Afghans and foreign citizens who wish to leave the country, including after 31 August 2021. Both sides strongly supported the international community's statements of 29 August and 15 August, and agreed that any future Afghan government must adhere to Afghanistan's international obligations and commit to protect against terrorism; safeguard the human rights of all Afghans, particularly women, children, and ethnic and religious minorities; uphold the rule of law; allow unhindered and unconditional humanitarian access; and counter human and drug trafficking effectively. Ministers called on all parties in Afghanistan to work in good faith to establish a genuinely inclusive and representative government, including with the meaningful participation of women and minority groups.

10 - Ministers discussed opportunities for closer cooperation on the implementation of their respective Indo-Pacific strategies, including in the context of the updated French strategic framework for the Indo-Pacific. They welcomed the willingness of the European Union to strengthen its participation in regional fora and its role as a cooperative partner to contribute to the stability, security, prosperity and sustainable development of the region in the framework of the upcoming European Union Strategy for Cooperation in the Indo-Pacific.

11 - Ministers underscored the importance of the strong and enduring commitment of other partners, including the United States, and Indo-Pacific partners in upholding an open, inclusive and resilient Indo-Pacific in accordance with international law. They reaffirmed the importance of ASEAN centrality and the critical role of ASEAN-led fora, which sit at the apex of the regional architecture, in promoting peace, stability, security and prosperity. They affirmed their support for the principles of the ASEAN Outlook on the Indo-Pacific and to progressing practical cooperation under its four priority areas.

12 - Both sides voiced serious concerns about the situation in the South China Sea. Ministers expressed their strong opposition to destabilising or coercive actions that could increase tensions and called for all disputes to be resolved in a peaceful manner in accordance with international law, particularly the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea. They reaffirmed the importance of freedom of navigation and overflight consistent with international law and agreed to closer maritime cooperation in the Indo-Pacific, including through future joint transits.

13 - Ministers underscored the importance of peace and stability across the Taiwan Strait and encouraged the peaceful resolution of cross-Strait issues. They expressed support for Taiwan's meaningful participation in international organisations, in accordance with the organisations' statutes, to strengthen global cooperation on relevant issues.

14 - Ministers expressed grave concerns about credible reports of severe human rights abuses against persons belonging to Uyghur and other Muslim ethnic minorities in Xinjiang and about the erosion of Hong Kong's autonomy and freedoms. Ministers renewed their call for China to grant urgent, meaningful and unfettered access to Xinjiang for independent international observers, including the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights.

15 - Ministers underscored their serious concerns about the crisis in Myanmar, including the rapidly deteriorating COVID-19 situation, and its implications for regional stability. They called on the military regime in Myanmar to immediately end the violence, cease measures to curtail freedom of expression, release all those arbitrarily detained and revert the country back to its democratic path. Ministers welcomed the appointment of the Minister of Foreign Affairs II of Brunei Darussalam as the ASEAN Chair's Special Envoy on Myanmar, stressed the need for a political dialogue inclusive of all relevant parties and urged the Myanmar military to engage with ASEAN to implement the “Five Point Consensus” fully and swiftly.

16 - Australia and France reaffirmed their commitment to trilateral cooperation with India on maritime safety and security, marine and environmental issues, and multilateral engagement. They commended India's prominent role in the Indian Ocean. Ministers agreed to work closely in regional fora, including the Indian Ocean Rim Association and the Indian Ocean Naval Symposium, to foster cooperation and ensure Indian Ocean regional architecture has the capacity to address regional challenges.

17 - Ministers underscored the importance of promoting dialogue with Pacific Islands countries as recalled during the 5th France-Oceania Summit, held virtually on 19 July 2021. Ministers noted that as a Pacific nation, France brings a unique perspective to our region while amplifying the Pacific's priorities on the global stage. They agreed to support Pacific Island countries' development and resilience, particularly through coordinated projects, including on critical infrastructure. They also agreed to hold a biennial ministerial meeting on the Pacific with the Foreign Affairs and International Development and Pacific Ministers for Australia and the Foreign Affairs and Overseas Ministers for France. They reaffirmed their continued commitment to providing humanitarian assistance and disaster relief to our Pacific family in times of need, notably through the France-Australia-New Zealand (FRANZ) partnership, under France's chairmanship for the next two years. Ministers agreed to enhance military interoperability, in support of humanitarian assistance and disaster relief, including through exercises Croix du Sud, Equateur and Marara.

Bilateral cooperation

18 - Australia and France welcomed the growing defence relationship and discussed practical ways to strengthen military-to-military cooperation. Ministers welcomed Australia's support for France's participation in Exercise Talisman Sabre 2023, having contributed observers to this year's exercise. Australia will work with the US and France to determine the size and scope of France's participation.

19 - Ministers agreed to begin negotiations on enhancing and diversifying France's military cooperation with Australia, in support of France's force posture in the region. The negotiations demonstrate Australia and France's shared commitment to a secure, stable and inclusive Indo-Pacific, in line with France's 2021 Indo-Pacific Strategy and Australia's 2020 Defence Strategic Update. Ministers committed to developing the concept for decision by their governments in the first quarter of 2022.

20 - Australia and France agreed to closer cooperation on military exercises in all three services, including exercises La Perouse, Peronne and Pitch Black, and regular information exchanges. They underscored the importance of enhanced cooperation in the Indo-Pacific and endorsed efforts underway to develop a regional plan for closer cooperation between the Australian Defence Force and French Armed Forces in New Caledonia (FANC) and French Polynesia (FAPF). Ministers discussed expanding operational-level cooperation in the Indo-Pacific region. Both sides undertook to strengthen their support for Pacific Island countries, in particular through the Western Pacific Naval Symposium and the Pacific Quadrilateral Dialogue in order to enhance participating countries' naval capabilities and support maritime surveillance operations.

21 - Both sides committed to deepen defence industry cooperation and enhance their capability edge in the region. Ministers underlined the importance of the Future Submarine program. They agreed to strengthen military scientific research cooperation through a strategic partnership between the Defence Science and Technology Group and the Directorate General for Armaments.

22 - Ministers agreed to deepen space cooperation, including on the operational management of the space domain and space capabilities, including space science and technology research. They agreed to actively work together in international fora to further promote norms of responsible behaviour in space.

23 - Both countries underscored the importance of building more secure, reliable and sustainable supply chains in critical minerals, including rare earths. With this in mind, the Ministers have established a Critical Mineral Dialogue which would provide a strong basis to support Australia and France's strategic, low carbon and economic security ambition.

24 - Ministers recalled the close and long-standing collaboration of our countries in Antarctica, including our engagement in the Antarctic Treaty system and in Antarctic science and research.

25 - Ministers agreed to hold the next Australia-France 2+2 Foreign and Defence Ministerial Consultations in 2022.

Media enquiries

• Minister's office: (02) 6277 7500

• DFAT Media Liaison: (02) 6261 1555

Australian-French relations remain tense

 

Australian Prime Minister Scott Morrison giving his version of the Macron-initiated phone call while carefully avoiding mention of the fact that for weeks the French President refused to take his calls. 

Australian read out from the phone call with President Macron: “They had a candid discussion on the bilateral relationship.” @SBSNews #auspol 🇦🇺 🇫🇷 pic.twitter.com/z8gZOUDjeo

— Pablo Viñales (@pablovinales) October 28, 2021

This is what French President Emmanuel Macron states....

Élysée Palace, France, statement, 28 October 2021:

Statement on the phone call between President Emmanuel Macron and Prime Minister Scott Morrison.

On Thursday, 28 October, President Macron had a telephone call with the Prime Minister of Australia, Mr Scott Morrison.

President Macron recalled that Australia’s unilateral decision to scale back the French-Australian strategic partnership by putting an end to the ocean-class submarine programme in favour of another as-yet unspecified project broke the relationship of trust between our two countries. The situation of the French businesses and their subcontractors, including Australian companies, affected by this decision will be given our utmost attention.

It is now up to the Australian Government to propose tangible actions that embody the political will of Australia’s highest authorities to redefine the basis of our bilateral relationship and continue joint action in the Indo-Pacific.

Looking ahead to the upcoming G20 in Rome and COP26 in Glasgow, the President of the French Republic encouraged the Australian Prime Minister to adopt ambitious measures commensurate with the climate challenge, in particular the ratcheting up of the nationally determined contribution, the commitment to cease production and consumption of coal at the national level and abroad, and greater Australian support to the International Solar Alliance.

No matter how Morrison & Co try to spin the Australian Treasury's 2021 Intergenerational Report, it reveals lacklustre economic growth expected over the next 40 years

In June 2021 the Australian Treasurer and Liberal MP for Kooyong, Josh Frydenberg released the Treasury’s 2021 Intergenerational Report: Australia over the next 40 years

Although a traditionally impartial Treasury complied most of the report’s contents, the partisan political nature of this report can be found kicking off at Line 19 of the Executive Summary, which starts with this untruthful statement:

Australia entered the COVID-19 pandemic from a position of economic and fiscal strength. The budget was in balance for the first time in 11 years…..

North Coast Voices readers would be well aware that 2019-20 national budget papers released in April 2019 forecast a then as yet unrealised balanced budget and return to surplus by 30 June 2020, with surpluses continuing over the medium term. This was a risky assertion to make on the basis of optimistic assumptions not hard facts.

Just how risky became apparent soon after February-March 2020 when the word “surplus” was quietly scrubbed from the Liberal-Nationals political lexicon due to the social and economic upheaval caused by both six years of the Abbot-Turnbull-Morrison Government in Canberra and a highly infectious global pandemic.

By June 2020 Australia’s net debt was expected to peak at $392.3 billion and, by June 2021 there was an est. $829 billion in gross public debt and $617.5 billion in net public debt on the books and an underlying cash deficit in the vicinity of $161 billion, with no budgetary surplus on the horizon.

That might almost be considered to qualify as good news given some of the forecasts contained in the 2021 Treasury intergenerational report. Because that report clearly shows that the COVID-19 global pandemic could cease tomorrow and it would make little difference to Australia’s long term economic recovery.

There will be no post-pandemic ‘snapback’ which will see the national economy quickly flourish.

From 2014 to the present day successive federal governments have trashed the goodwill and tolerance of our political allies and trading partners with anti-science, climate change denialist polices, demonstrated a crass clumsiness and sometimes downright ignorance of international relations and, the complete absence of diplomacy in negotiations with our largest trading partner. While increasing impacts from climate change will, more frequently than in the post-climate crisis era, see a fall in the seasonal/annual volume of agricultural products for export.

The domestic industry and business mindset that insists employers are doing workers a favour by employing them on a low wage with no job security, rather than recognising that the worker creates cashflow and profits by producing actual goods to sell, will in all likelihood actively discourage decent wage growth over the next 40 years.

According to the Executive Summary in the 2021 Intergenerational Report:

….real gross domestic product (GDP) is projected to grow at 2.6 per cent per year over the next 40 years, compared with 3.0 per cent over the past 40 years. Real GDP per person is projected to grow at an average annual rate of 1.5 per cent, compared with 1.6 per cent over the past 40 years. Nominal GDP growth is projected to slow to 5.0 per cent per year over the next 40 years, compared with 7.0 per cent over the past 40 years. Real GNI is projected to grow at an average annual rate of 2.3 per cent, compared with 3.3 per cent over the past 40 years. Real GNI per person is projected to grow at an average annual rate of 1.3 per cent, compared with 1.8 per cent over the past 40 years. The larger slowdown in GNI growth than GDP growth reflects an assumption that the terms of trade will decline before stabilising at long-term levels.

Real GDP per person = Gross Domestic Product per person adjusted for inflation
Real GNI per person  = Gross National Income (wages & other earned income)
per person adjusted for inflation
Real GDP = Gross Domestic Product adjusted for inflation
Real GNI = Gross National Income (wages & other earned income)
Nominal GDP =  measures total value of the output produced in Australia, by
adding together Real Gross Domestic Product and prices to produce a close estimate.

Australia's terms of trade is calculated as the ratio of export prices to import prices. If this index increases it implies that Australia is receiving relatively more for its exports; if it decreases then Australia is receiving relatively less. An increase in export prices relative to import prices
implies that Australia is better off; thus an increase in the terms of trade
is sometimes referred to as a favourable movement in the terms of trade. [Australian Parliament House Library, retrieved 07.07.21].


After the 2007-08 Global Financial Crisis (GFC) Australia's terms of trade under Labor federal governments peaked in 2010-11 & 2011-12 at 2.1 before falling to 1.0. Subsequent Coalition federal governments peaked at 1.1 in 2020-21. Australia's terms of trade are predicted to return to the 0.9 of the Global Financial Crisis period and stay at
that level until after 30 June 2061. 



Australian Treasury tables attached to the 2021 Intergenerational Report predict that Average Labour Productivity Levels will remain at 1.5
until after 30 June 2061. This is the same level of average labour productivity between approx. 1981 and 2020.


In those same tables Average Gross National Income per person adjusted for inflation is expected to fall from the current 1.8 to 1.3 for the next 40 years. This does not indicate strong wages growth across the board over the next four decades.


After credibly surviving the 2007-08 Global Financial Crisis under a
Labor federal government, Australia now faces forty years of struggling
to move past social and economic consequences of the current federal Coalition government’s six years of poor policy decisions and its appalling mismanagement of the global COVID-19 pandemic once it became clear the virus would breach our national borders.

The controversial carbon credits Australia wants to use equals around 8 yrs worth of fossil fuel emissions of all its Pacific neighbours, including NZ

The Australia Institute, media release, 13 August 2019: 

Morrison’s Pollution Loophole Will Weaken Pacific Climate Change Action 

Prime Minister Morrison is undermining Pacific action on climate change, with new analysis from the Australia Institute revealing that his pollution loophole is equivalent to around 8 years fossil fuel emissions for the rest of the Pacific and New Zealand. 

The Government plans to use Kyoto credits to meet emissions targets – a loophole that means Australia will count controversial past reductions to meet current targets – and essentially be able to keep pollution at the same level. 

New research from The Australia Institute shows that if Australia uses this loophole, it would be the equivalent of around eight years of fossil fuel emissions of all its Pacific neighbours.

Australia intends to use 367 Mt of carbon credits to avoid the majority of emission reductions pledged under its Paris Agreement target, meanwhile the entire annual emissions from the Pacific Island Forum members, excluding Australia, is only about 45Mt. 

By using this loophole, the federal government is giving the green light to pollution equivalent to: 

• Annual emissions of 77,919,000 cars on the road 

• Emissions from 95 coal-fired power plants for a whole year 

“If Australia is to be a climate leader at the Pacific Island Forum, the federal government needs to show with meaningful action – and that begins with ruling out the use of Kyoto credits to meet climate change obligations,” said Richie Merzian, Director Climate Change & Energy at The Australia Institute. “The Government’s policy to use Kyoto credits is an insult to Pacific leaders. You can't "step up" in the Pacific while stepping back on climate action. “The Pacific Island Forum is focused on securing our future in the region – and there is no future without a secure and safe climate. “Scott Morrison has a choice – Australia can be a leader in the region and a partner in combatting the impact of climate change, or we can continue to completely undermine any efforts by our Pacific partners by using these dodgy credits.” 

Download Publication: PDF P773 Australia's climate loophole and the Pacific [WEB].pdf

The graphs that expose Australian Prime Minister Scott Morrison's climate change policy propaganda

Australia has a monumental problem. 

Since September 2013 the Australian Government, first under Liberal prime ministers Abbott and Turnbull and then under current Australian Prime Minster and Liberal MP for Cook Scott Morrison, has failed to implement effective national climate change mitigation measures.

This has left the nation with an est. 695 million tonnes (or 2.9 billion tonnes) of greenhouse gas emissions it has to reduce/abate by 2021-2030 in order to meet its international obligations.

Ever since he successfully ousted the last Liberal prime minister in a 'palace coup' Morrison has been telling the world that this country will meet its Paris Agreement targets "at a canter" and that national greenhouse gas annual emissions are falling.

Both he and his ministers talk of greenhouse gas emission levels falling per capita or per head of population. All that means is that the Australian population is growing at a slightly faster rate than national emission levels are rising. It doesn't mean greenhouse gas emissions are falling.

On 25 February 2019 Morrison announced his Climate Solutions Package - mostly a rehash of old Liberal-Nationals climate policies and as yet unrealised infrastructure projects - which he rather misleadingly states will "reduce greenhouse gases across the economy".

After this 'solutions' initiatives announcement the Minister for Energy and Liberal MP for Hume Angus Taylor went on national television claiming Australia's national greenhouse gas emissions had fallen by "over 1 per cent" - omitting to point out that this quarter to quarter seasonally adjusted weather normalised change did not result in an overall decrease in total greenhouse gas emissions for the year to September 2018. 

In August 2015 the then Abbott Government, in which Scott Morrison was a cabinet minister, also misspoke when it told the United Nations that its "direct action" plan was successful and that:

The target is a significant progression beyond Australia’s 2020 commitment to cut emissions by five per cent below 2000 levels (equivalent to 13 per cent below 2005 levels). The target approximately doubles Australia’s rate of emissions reductions, and significantly reduces emissions per capita and per unit of GDP, when compared to the 2020 target. Across a range of metrics, Australia’s target is comparable to the targets of other advanced economies. Against 2005 levels, Australia’s target represents projected cuts of 50 to 52 per cent in emissions per capita by 2030 and 64 to 65 per cent per unit of GDP by 2030. [my yellow highlighting]

That promise committed Australia to a 26-28 per cent emissions reduction by 2030. 

For this to be a genuine reduction which will help alleviate the effects of climate change it means this 695 million tonnes of greenhouse gas emissions that are in the earth's atmosphere right now have to be removed by abatement action on Australia's part between 2019 and 2030.

At the United Nations 2018 Climate Action Summit (COP24) it was pointed out to all member countries that attempting to use old credits from the Kyoto Protocol as carryovers when accounting for ongoing emission rates will not actually bring down current global emissions levels. 

However, the Morrison Government is using old carryover credits from the Labor Government years 2008-2012 to reduce Australia's own abatement commitment by est. 368 million tonnes - bringing it down to only a 328 million tonnes reduction in greenhouse gases by 2030. Less than half of what the Australian Government actually committed to under the Paris Agreement.

The federal Dept of Environment and Energy's own data gives a more honest picture of where Australia stands on bringing down greenhouse gas emissions since 2013 than does Morrison's dodgy accounting tricks.

4. Trend emissions levels are inclusive of all sectors of the economy, including Land Use, Land Use Change and Forestry (LULUCF). Removing LULUCF from caluclations will result in higher trend levels.

Only three of the eight sectors in this graph show any real improvement since 1990 and even these become somewhat static after 2013.

When it comes to the year 2018 from 1 January to 30 September, the Financial Review reported on 28 February 2019 that:

Increases in greenhouse gas emissions from growing liquefied natural gas exports, although offset by lower emissions from electricity, pushed Australia's overall carbon pollution up by nearly 1 per cent in the year to September….

Greenhouse gas emissions were up by 4.6 millon tonnes, or 0.9 per cent, in the year to September last year to 536 million tonnes, according to the quarterly update of Australia's National Greenhouse Gas Inventory.

The gains from big declines in emissions from the electricity sector (3.2 per cent) and agriculture (3 per cent) were negated by the 5.8 per cent increase in mining and manufacturing, especially LNG exports (up 19.7 per cent), steel production (up 10 per cent) and aluminium production (up 5.5 per cent).

"Growth in LNG also strongly impacted fugitive emissions due to the flaring and venting of methane and carbon dioxide. An increase in 10 per cent in steel production in particular affected industrial process emissions," the report said…..

The bottom line is that in September 2013 Australia's greenhouse gas emissions stood at 515.1 Mt of CO2-e, having fallen from a high of 617.5 Mt of CO2-e in March 2007. 

However, emissions have steadily risen in the years following 2013 until in September 2016 they had reached 527.2 Mt of CO2-e, by September 2017 533.3 Mt of CO2-e, by March 2018 535.8 Mt of CO2-e and by September 2018 our national emissions were 536 Mt CO2-e.

No matter how many ways Morrison Government spokespersons attempt to present the figures, the fact remains that Australia's national greenhouse gas emissions began to fall steadily between 2007 and 2013 but once the Abbott Government removed the price on carbon and altered other Labor climate change policies they began to rise again and they are still rising.

To date the Abbott-Turnbull-Morrison Government has marched this country backwards towards national greenhouse gas emission levels not found since the end of 2012. 

How much further will they send us back in time if they govern for another three years? Will the national emissions total in 2022 be in excess of 545 million tonnes? A higher national total than that of the year the Abbott Government promised the United Nations it would reduce greenhouse gas emissions by 2030.

The Quarterly Update of Australia’s National Greenhouse Gas Inventory: September 2018 Incorporating emissions from the NEM up to December 2018 can be found here.

A letter foreshadowing a politically unstable world in 2019

In the early hours of 20 December an increasingly unstable US President Donald J. Trump without consulting his own government tweeted; We have defeated ISIS in Syria, my only reason for being there during the Trump Presidency.

He followed that some some nine hours later with a series of tweets as a surprised world began to react.

Getting out of Syria was no surprise. I’ve been campaigning on it for years, and six months ago, when I very publicly wanted to do it, I agreed to stay longer. Russia, Iran, Syria & others are the local enemy of ISIS. We were doing there work. Time to come home & rebuild. #MAGA

Does the USA want to be the Policeman of the Middle East, getting NOTHING but spending precious lives and trillions of dollars protecting others who, in almost all cases, do not appreciate what we are doing? Do we want to be there forever? Time for others to finally fight.....

....Russia, Iran, Syria & many others are not happy about the U.S. leaving, despite what the Fake News says, because now they will have to fight ISIS and others, who they hate, without us. I am building by far the most powerful military in the world. ISIS hits us they are doomed!

Trump's own Secretary of Defense, former General commanding United States General Command James Norman Mattis, resigned within hours.......

Secretary of Defence

1000 Defense Pentagon

Washington, DC 20301.1000

December 20 2018

Dear Mr. President:

I have been privileged to serve as our country's 26th Secretary of Defense which has allowed me to serve alongside our men and women of the Department in defense of our citizens and our ideals.

I am proud of the progress that has been made over the past two years on some of the key goals articulated in our National Defense Strategy: putting the Department on a more sound budgetary footing, improving readiness and lethality in our forces, and reforming the Department's business practices for greater performance. Our troops continue to provide the capabilities needed to prevail in conflict and sustain strong U.S. global influence.

One core belief I have always held is that our strength as a nation is inextricably linked to the strength of our unique and comprehensive system of alliances and partnerships. While the US remains the indispensable nation in the free world, we cannot protect our interests or serve that role effectively without maintaining strong alliances and showing respect to those allies. Like you, I have said from the beginning that the armed forces of the United States should not be the policeman of the world. Instead, we must use all tools of American power to provide for the common defense, including providing effective leadership to our alliances. NATO's 29 democracies demonstrated that strength in their commitment to fighting alongside us following the 9-11 attack on America. The Defeat-ISIS coalition of 74 nations is further proof.

Similarly, I believe we must be resolute and unambiguous in our approach to those countries whose strategic interests are increasingly in tension with ours. It is clear that China and Russia, for example, want to shape a world consistent with their authoritarian model - gaining veto authority over other nations' economic, diplomatic, and security decisions - to promote their own interests at the expense of their neighbors, America and our allies. That is why we must use all the tools of American power to provide for the common defense.

My views on treating allies with respect and also being clear-eyed about both malign actors and strategic competitors are strongly held and informed by over four decades of immersion in these issues. We must do everything possible to advance an international order that is most conducive to our security, prosperity and values, and we are strengthened in this effort by the solidarity of our alliances.

Because you have the right to have a Secretary of Defense whose views are better aligned with yours on these and other subjects, I believe it is right for me to step down from my position. The end date for my tenure is February 28, 2019, a date that should allow sufficient time for a successor to be nominated and confirmed as well as to make sure the Department's interests are properly articulated and protected at upcoming events to include Congressional posture hearings and the NATO Defense Ministerial meeting in February. Further, that a full transition to a new Secretary of Defense occurs well in advance of the transition of Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff in September in order to ensure stability Within the Department.

I pledge my full effort to a smooth transition that ensures the needs and interests of the 2.15 million Service Members and 732,079 DoD civilians receive undistracted attention of the Department at all times so that they can fulfill their critical, round-the-clock mission to protect the American people.

I very much appreciate this opportunity to serve the nation and our men and women in uniform.

James N. Mattis

Two days later it was reported that Special Presidential Envoy for the Global Coalition to Counter ISIL Brett H. McGurk had also resigned in protest.