Friday, 3 February 2023

The voices of poverty in Australia - "We feel like we're at war with our government. We really don't know why it's okay for so many people to have their whole being destroyed by poverty".

 

On 7 September 2022, the Australian Senate referred an inquiry into the extent and nature of poverty in Australia to the Senate Community Affairs References Committee for inquiry and report by 31 October 2023.


Its Terms of Reference indicate it was to investigate the extent and nature of poverty in Australia with particular reference to:


(a) the rates and drivers of poverty in Australia;


(b) the relationship between economic conditions (including fiscal policy, rising inflation and cost of living pressures) and poverty;


(c) the impact of poverty on individuals in relation to:


(i) employment outcomes,

(ii) housing security,

(iii) health outcomes, and

(iv) education outcomes;


(d) the impacts of poverty amongst different demographics and communities;


(e) the relationship between income support payments and poverty;


(f) mechanisms to address and reduce poverty; and


(g) any related matters.


To date it has held public hearings on 20 October, 6 and 13 December in 2022, as well as on 31 January 2023. That appears to be the extent of the public hearings which had been planned.


On that last hearing day Liberal Senator Jane Hume (Vic) and Greens Senator Penny Allman-Payne (Qld)both members of the Senate Community Affairs References Committee were quoted in the mainstream media bagging the Albanese Government for “a broken promise” (Hume) and for making “cost of living pressures worse for people" (Allman-Payne). Apparently both are open about the fact that they want to use this inquiry “to probe the federal government's energy policies” while seemingly ignoring the fact that poverty is a many-faceted life-altering experience.


Here are a few personal experience excerpts from the transcripts of the first three hearing days of the Inquiry into the extent and nature of poverty in Australia.


They are the voices of poverty, in a wealthy, first world country which has increasing taken a judgmental, punitive approach to the poor and vulnerable within its borders these last fifty years — culminating in the horror years of the Abbott-Turnbull-Morrison federal governments.


Rita: Thank you for letting me speak today. Since 2019, I've been living in abject poverty. Since 2019 I've lost 50 kilos, I've had a stroke, I've lost my teeth and I've been diagnosed with community acquired malnutrition. I'm now unemployable. That's all I'm going to tell you about myself, because, frankly, I'm sick and tired. I'm tired of telling my story and nobody hearing it.

What I will tell you about is poverty. I want to dispel the myth that poverty is just about being hungry. Poverty is living on $48 a day. Poverty is a political choice. Poverty is being a woman and having to wear bits of rag when you have your period because you can't afford pads or tampons. Poverty is watching your son be homeless and you not being able to help him. Poverty is eating out of dumpsters. Poverty is being isolated and housebound because you can't even afford a bus fare. Poverty is having to go and look for work feeling sick and nauseous because you haven't eaten for four days. Poverty is losing your teeth because you can't afford dental care. Poverty is having to go to interviews bleeding through your pants because you can't afford pads or tampons. Poverty is not being able to replace your glasses. I can't see any of you, sorry, because I've lost my glasses. Poverty is rationing life-saving medication until you have a stroke. Poverty is only eating once a day. Poverty is when you've got a sick child but you can't afford medication, not even panadol. And now to dispel the myth that poverty is our fault—it's not. Poverty is a political choice. You choose to keep us in poverty. You choose to keep us homeless. You choose to keep us hungry. You choose to keep us malnourished. You choose to keep us in poverty. Poverty is a political choice. Homelessness is a political choice. Thank you.


Genevieve: Thank you for giving me this opportunity to speak. I'm a sole parent and my young son and I are facing a future of homelessness and poverty, which I've written about in a piece that was published in the Guardian in August; I circulated that to your organisers. It was entitled, 'Sole parents like myself are facing homelessness. It's time our PM realised this is not the Australia he grew up in'.

When my son turned eight last year I was transferred from the parenting payment single to the JobSeeker payment, losing about $100 a week in support. The family tax benefit part B was also reduced when my son turned five. I only get $30 a fortnight from my son's father, who is estranged and lives overseas now. The average child support for single mothers is around $100 a week, so I'm getting a minute amount. As a sole parent I have no other support from my son's father. There's no shared or co-parenting, like other single mums often have.

Being a sole parent is a particular situation; I have to say, it's probably the worst in terms of parenting situations.

One of the many issues I'd like to bring up with the Senate is the fact that child support payments are incredibly low. From an estranged father who's on a Centrelink payment, a child support agency would only collect about $8 a week—so $8 a week would go to the mother, who is caring for her child or children, in terms of child support. This is an issue that's been completely overlooked by politicians. In the case of an estranged father he only has to pay $8 out of his Centrelink benefit if that's his main source of income, whereas the mother, who's relying on a Centrelink payment—in my case, the very low JobSeeker payment; I have to pay the majority of my payment to raise my child. This is something that needs to be addressed.

In my own case, my total income per week is under $550. On this amount it's impossible to find a rental through a real estate agency, as prices are exorbitant now and ever increasing. You can hardly find a basic twobedroom unit for under $400 a week now. I have no chance. On total income—that's with the family tax benefits and a tiny bit of child support, with JobSeeker—I have under $550 a week to support myself and my son. Therein is the problem about us being homeless.

My son has serious health issues. When he was a baby and a toddler I was completely consumed by his serious health issues, which resulted in him having anaphylaxis, multiple food allergies, hypothyroidism and asthma. This prevented me from being able to work. As my son is often home from school—he's in primary school now—this severely constrains my ability to look for paid employment. At my age, being out of the workforce for the last 10 years since I was pregnant, I have very little chance of being able to find employment that will provide enough income to support myself and my son.

The current story to us becoming imminently homeless is that my long-term home—the home that I actually grew up in and lived in for the last 23 years on my own, until my son came along, when he was born—was sold this year behind my back. I had no notification whatsoever. I only found out after settlement by the appalling real estate agent who sold the house and the new property developer/buyers. This was a great shock to me. Since then the entity—that is, the property developers—have been waging a series of threats and demands on me, which resulted in me having to call the police when the real estate agent that sold the house to this entity came along to the house with one of the parties, one of the buyers, trying to smash the windows in the house and barging through the back gate and demanding that I come out and talk to them and telling me that I needed to leave and that I was trespassing. It was absolutely outrageous. So I called 000 and they came and told them they needed to follow proper legal processes. That has now resulted in them taking me to the County Court to have me evicted.

These thugs that bought the house have been enabled to buy up older homes to knock down or renovate and on-sell for a profit by an economic system that gives property investors huge tax breaks and makes housing unaffordable for low-income families. This is an issue that desperately needs to be addressed by parliament.

Housing is a basic human right and should not be for profit. How can a child thrive without a home to grow up in, and how can a parent find and hold down paid employment without a home to live in?

I have registered for public and social housing. The local housing organisation tells me that the waitlist is 15 years. There's no transitional priority housing available. They also told me on several occasions that my son and I will be homeless, as is the case—apparently there are mums and babies, mums and young children, living in cars in Australia, in this affluent country. I don't have any family or friends to stay with, so our situation is dire. I'm under enormous stress. I'm both physically and mentally exhausted. The prospects of being evicted from my longterm home, where I've grown up and have lived for the past 23 years, as I said, with my son when he was born, is utterly devastating.

In the piece that was published in the Guardian I outlined some possible solutions. The first issue I put there is to prioritise public and social housing for sole parent families so the threat of homelessness is not a reality for mums and their kids. There are actually some great examples in European countries, where the government has built healthy ecofriendly dwellings for low-income families on shared land so that they can grow their food and the kids can play together, and it's absolutely amazing. I saw that 20 years ago when I was doing some research in Austria.

The second thing that should happen is increased rent assistance in line with market-value rental prices. The maximum rent assistance for a single parent is $89 a week, but, as I said before, for a very basic two-bedroom unit you'd be hard pressed to find anything under $400 a week. The next thing that really needs to happen is to cap rental prices so families on low income are not paying more than 30 per cent of their income on rent, which is the benchmark used by real estate agents to determine if an applicant can afford a rental. The real estate industry needs to be regulated. I suggest there should be an auditing body that inspects rentals before they are rented out to ensure they meet health and safety guidelines. No landlord should be able to rent out substandard accommodation at the high places of today. It's actually utterly immoral….


Sarah: It's very hard to follow on from what Rita had to say. I would've said all of that myself. I guess what I really want to say is that, like Rita said, we tell our story hundreds of times in different ways—different interviews, different groups—hoping that something will change, and we are losing hope. There are hundreds of thousands of people in this country—there's no point to life, and that's wrong when you have something you can do about it. We can talk about it until we turn blue but there is something you could do about it.

I can't get a job now, because of mental health, back issues and being 56—that seems to be a disability—and I've been pretty much written off by my government and a lot of government departments. But Rita and I just put on an event on the weekend and fed over 100 people who were hungry and struggling just like us on our own with no resources. It's really sad that the government doesn't see what it's losing from all the people living in poverty whose potential is lost in the struggle of every day.

We could be doing great things if we were supported in any way. I could have had a job when I first lost mine if I'd had some support around my post-traumatic stress. I would never have got agoraphobia, to be stuck in a house and have to find my own way out of that, because there are no supports and I had no money to pay for anything. My children had to watch all of that. There was nothing I could do about it. I feel ashamed and guilty for what my children went through. I feel really sad that so many children in this country are going through the same thing, not knowing if they're going to eat every day and having to watch their parents fall apart because they can't provide them with basic needs. They have to go to school and be shamed by other kids because they don't have a uniform that's reasonable or washed properly, because their parents can't afford washing powder, because they can't afford food.

This is Australia. We feel like we're at war with our government. We really don't know why it's okay for so many people to have their whole being destroyed by poverty. When I look at the kids who come to some of our events, I think, 'There could be a Mozart or Stephen Hawking here, but we will never know that.' We are losing opportunity. We are losing the potential of generations of people simply because there's no political will to deal with it. Yes, we are invisible and we are quietly going about it in the shade because we're too ashamed to speak up, but I'm not, because this is not something I wanted. I spent my whole life working and helping other people in a whole heap of areas. I've worked as a personal assistant for members of parliament, and yet now I'm invisible and I don't matter to my government. I don't matter to just about everybody I have to deal with every day of the week.

I just want you to do something about it. All these people who are going to be speaking to you, telling you how bad it is—make it matter and do something about it. I know it's not just you, because you're here, which shows you have an interest, but we have to make the rest of the people who have the power understand what they're doing. It's not economically viable, because I could be way more productive if I had a job—even if I was allowed to do volunteer work instead of applying for pointless jobs that are way beneath my capacity. It's not good for us economically as a country. It's not good for us as a country that's supposed to be about a fair go. Where's the mateship when it comes to people living in poverty? That's all I wanted to say. We do matter, we are here and we deserve better.


Glenys: I am a single age pensioner. I am 71. I live in regional Victoria in a town of approximately 9,000 people, which is a good town. I would like to read a letter I wrote to the paper out of sheer frustration, anger and worry. This letter is a mix of the experience of people I know but most of it relates to me. The letter was titled: ‘Do you know this person?'

'She lives quietly, her existence at the mercy of the government—local state and federal—and her landlord. Every second week she shops for the few groceries she can afford. As the prices increase, she suffers depression and anxiety. Can she afford biscuits this week or bread and butter? She buys meat only for her dogs, frozen vegetables on special because it is too expensive to buy fresh. At the chemist she plays Russian roulette with her medications—which one can she afford this fortnight, which ones can wait? She doesn't take anything that is not on the PBS, even if it is prescribed, because she cannot afford it. She buys clothes at the op shop because she can't afford new. Even chain stores are a luxury. She could shop out of town if transport was available but it is not.

Loyalty and no petrol in the car prevent that, besides which her car needs servicing and new tyres, so maybe next year.

Her lease is coming up for renewal. I am one of the lucky ones who has a very fair and very good landlord.

Basically, if my rent goes up in November when my lease is due for renewal, I will have to find somewhere else to live. Even worse than the rent going up, is her home going to become yet another Airbnb or holiday let—we have hundreds of them—or maybe just re-rented to someone else at a much higher price? For example, a two bedroom home I lived in four years ago was $210 a week. It has just been re-rented for $370 and nothing has been done to it. Rents are alarmingly high, and affordable rentals are almost non-existent. There are huge waiting lists.

The ministry of housing has over 60 applications unfilled for Mansfield. Beyond Housing, a charity which works with the Department of Housing, advises her that nothing is available in Mansfield, and there is not even a will waiting list because demand is so high. If she wants public housing, she will have to leave Mansfield. Where would she go? She was born there; her children were born, raised and educated there; her parents are buried there; her life is there; her heart is there. Where would she go? She already pays more than half of her pension in rent and exists on approximately $250 a week, so the heater mostly stays off and she cuts down on the lights. She worries about elderly appliances or her car breaking down because there is no public transport and no money for repairs. We have a community bus that runs one day a week for two hours and that's it.

Do you know this person? She is your parent, your relative, your friend, your neighbour. She feels invisible, redundant and irrelevant. Her commitment to this town means nothing now. Do you know this person? Yes, you do. This person is me. I am a member of a forgotten generation. I am a single pensioner.'

I put that on paper and signed it with my full name, much to my family's anxiety, because I wanted it to have a face. I have good friends and people I know who are in equal if not worse conditions at home. I am one of the lucky ones. Like I said, my family is very supportive. But anyone here will tell you that the last thing you have is your pride, so you don't ask your family for help all the time. They do what they can, what I let them do.

We are a tourist town. We have Airbnbs, holiday lets, short-term rentals, which remove more homes from the local market and raises the rents more. A two-bedroom brick unit that is about 15 years old in Mansfield has just been rented for $480 a week. When you are living on $250 a week, how do you do that? You don't. We have people not going to the doctor of their choice because they don't bulk bill. We have people relying on our food bank, St Vinnies, other charities, to eat—not live to any standard, just to eat.

I have worked all my life, raised three kids on my own, paid tax, paid everything I owe. I believe I am better than this at this stage of my life. I deserve better than this. I've never bludged. But you can help fix this. We can all help fix this if we listen, if we think and if we look at the person next to us and say: 'I can help you.' I would ask you: please, in your deliberations, remember this and to try and help us. We are all sinking together, and I don't know what to do about it. Thank you for your time.


Jo: Before I begin, I would like to acknowledge the traditional custodians of the land on which we meet, the Wurundjeri and Boonwurrung people of the Kulin nation, and pay my respects to elders past and present, and Aboriginal people here with us today. I also acknowledge the sovereignty of these lands was never ceded. 

Thank you for the opportunity to give evidence today during Anti-Poverty Week. I'm a comic artist and I volunteer with Housing for the Aged Action Group. I wish I could tell you my story in a way that makes me appear brave and strong and clever and resourceful. Here are some numbers: I am 58 years old. I have been waiting for a total hip replacement for 14 months. I get $683.40 per fortnight on JobSeeker. It should be more than that, but Centrelink have not recognised my new lease that I have uploaded three times or answered my calls. I am not on the disability support pension because my hip can be operated on, so presumably I can be returned to full functionality and productivity. I pay a social housing charity $168.65 per week for a very fancy flat in Brunswick purchased by request for women like me. This is the lowest rent I have ever paid to live on my own; it is life changing.

I am going to lose this tooth because I can't afford to see a dentist. I have been to the dental hospital a few times this year to let students play with me but it is really public and there is the risk of COVID. I have already had it once and it really ruined me. I'm not over it yet, so I am quite anxious about going to the dental hospital. It's like stalls, if you've been to it—amazing.

I think I've lived in more than 70 homes, mostly short-term private rentals, mostly with other people—very little on my own. But, when I have lived on my own, it's been pretty amazing. I've been homeless several times: in the eighties, when I ran away from home; in 2010, when my rent went up every year but my income stayed pretty much the same; and, in 2017, when I was 'gentrified' out of Brunswick. I also had a creative fellowship at the State Library at the time, so I had an office to work in. That was useful.

I've never learnt to drive. I've mostly been single. Unresolved menstrual problems prevented me from holding down even contract cartooning and illustration jobs in the nineties, when I was trying to get off the dole. But those jobs all dried up. Many of my mental health struggles have lessened over the last five years, while I've been living in secure housing, even though my mother died and we were all in lockdown. My income doubled briefly, and I was in secure, stable housing, and I saved money. I bought new things. It was amazing. I ate better. I paid bills without calculating how much money was left in my account.

I have limited my horizons in the past. I've been unable to participate in skill building or community projects that require money. I've exhibited regularly since 1984—so I keep working. But the people who buy my work continue to be friends and family, so I can't gouge them; I can't charge anything near the amount the work that I've put into any art is worth. Recently, I swapped one of my paintings for an induction-compatible frying pan.

I knew being an artist in Australia would mean I would not own property or enjoy the security many people take for granted, but I underestimated the effect poverty would have on my inner life. Stable, low-cost housing combined with the pandemic supplement money mean I do not have the same noise in my head, which I considered as just artistic personality for 50 years. So mine's a happy story, really. Thank you.


Peter: Good afternoon. Thank you for the opportunity to speak with you today. I'm 58 and I'm a disability support pensioner. The rate of the disability support pension is presently $1,036 per fortnight. It's very difficult to live on that, but I will also acknowledge it is more than the JobSeeker amount. Prior to going onto the disability support pension, I was on JobSeeker for a period of time.

My background is that I was in the workforce for over 33 years. I worked in banking. I worked in retail for a period. A number of years ago, I was a pedestrian legally crossing the road, I was struck by a motor vehicle, I went onto the bonnet of that vehicle, I hit the windshield and I broke it, so there was a lot of force involved in that. I was off work initially for a period of seven months. I eventually managed to get back to work. However, as the years have passed, I've become less young, as we all have; my conditions have deteriorated; and I struggle to maintain employment.

I attempted, on numerous occasions, return-to-work programs. At one stage my life insurer, AMP, were very helpful. It's very rare that insurance companies are helpful, but they were on this occasion. They provided me with an occupational therapist. She indicated at the time that the problem a lot of people have is that they go back to work too quickly on too many hours. I started back on four hours per week. Over a period of time I built that up to 30 hours a week. I became ill with the flu. I was severely ill. My doctor gave me a certificate to cover that absence. My employer terminated my employment on the basis that I had breached my return-to-work conditions.

I am over 50, so I am discriminated against on the basis of age. I have a back condition: I have bulging discs in my cervical spine, my thoracic spine and my lumbosacral spine. I have plantar fasciitis, which affects the feet. So it is difficult to maintain work on that basis.

There is a link between mental health, physical health and poverty. Medical expenses are high. It's very difficult when you are on an income support payment. I, because I was involved in a motor accident, was covered by the Victorian Transport Accident Commission, so a lot of my costs were covered. Believe it or not, in an act of bastardry—if I may use that term; forgive it—yesterday, I was contacted by the Transport Accident Commission, who sent me four letters and indicated to me that they were going to curtail a lot of my payments and cut off a number of my treatments. If I have to pay for those treatments without the assistance of the Transport Accident Commission, it's a very, very high impost—almost impossible. To give an illustration, hydrotherapy, which my doctor recommended, would cost $30 to $40 per fortnight. The Transport Accident Commission declined that payment.

To be on income support and have no money is very dispiriting. It is crushing. It is soul destroying. You become socially isolated. It gets to the stage where your friends stop asking you out because you decline invitations. I raised this with one of my previous MPs. I said to her: 'I've become socially isolating. I can't even go out for a cup of coffee.' She, in a Marie Antoinette moment, replied to me, 'Invite them around for coffee and a biscuit.' At that stage, Newstart was about $500 a week. Even a jar of coffee—the little one—is about 10 bucks.

And that's the cheap stuff; you're not enjoying a nice latte or something like that. So there is a link between money and mental health.

The anniversary of my mother's death occurs on Saturday. That is a very painful memory for me. The reason is this: when she died, the family, as families do, came together. Families, as you know, buy food. You might buy pizzas. You might buy chicken. Somebody will buy salads. Somebody will buy bread. I had $5 in my pocket. I couldn't afford to pay my share. I felt shame. I was ashamed. It was a silly emotion—I accept that—but I felt it. It was horrible.

I am fortunate in that I own my home. However, it is almost impossible to maintain it. To illustrate, my hot water service broke down a number of years ago. I have never fixed it. It's too expensive to repair it. I have cold showers, or I boil water on the stovetop and wash in the basin. I have lost—I think it was Glenys or Genevieve who referred to this—teeth. I lost teeth. To repair it would cost me $1,600, so I am now toothless. In terms of owning my home, I accept that I am in a fortunate position, compared with many. Rent is unaffordable. I know that the maximum rental assistance is $151 for a single person per fortnight. That is per fortnight, not per week.

Who even rents at $151 per week? It is not paid to somebody who has a mortgage. It is not paid to somebody in transitory accommodation. A person who is couch-surfing from friend to friend or living in their car does not receive that payment.

Older, ill and disabled workers are discriminated against. This is a true story: when I was at my former employer, a senior manager looked me in the face and said, 'If I had my way, I would terminate all employees over the age of 50 and replace them with young, fit casuals.' That's a true story. I was in Canberra recently. We were talking about ageism at a ministerial roundtable. It used to be that ageism occurred to people over the age of 55. Then people gave evidence that ageism now occurs at the age of 50. Dr Kay Patterson, the Age Discrimination Commissioner, was present. She noted that some research is now indicating it occurs at the age of 45. Particularly, areas like IT and technology are where ageism is starting to occur. There are concerns around aged and disabled workers that they are technologically slow, that there is higher absenteeism and that there is a real risk of liability, duty of care and legal issues.

I'll leave it at that. I think that fairly covers it. I do appreciate the opportunity to speak up. It is soul destroying. That's a very important point. Mental health is a very important issue.


Abigail: Good morning. My name is Abigail, I'm 46. In my 20s I was on top of the world. I was a very, very talented computer programmer. I had a partner, I had a family and I had everything. I had a brilliant career, and then in my early 30s I developed soul-crushing depression and lost everything. I became homeless, I became alone, suicidal and unable to work. I lived in my car. I ended up in public housing, and it was one of the things that saved my life. I went on the disability support pension and, together with the public housing, those were instrumental—they were life altering. I can't stress that enough.

Despite that, life is hard—even with them. Even though the DSP is more than Newstart was at the time, after the rent is taken out—and it's taken automatically out of your Centrelink payments—it only leaves roughly $600 a fortnight for everything else. You only get to roughly choose which area you want to live in and I was placed in the inner suburbs of Melbourne. It's great; I love it there. It suits my character. But, because of gentrification, things are very expensive. But I was happy to put down roots; I could finally stop living out of cardboard boxes and it worked wonders for my mental health. I was able to be happy. But, yes, I had to make sacrifices.

After about five years of living there my son had to move in. He was 12 and it was under difficult circumstances; he had to escape violence from where he was living at the time. So he moved in and we had to make more sacrifices. Energy prices went up, inflation went up and the DSP did not. I had to start making difficult decisions. I couldn't save money, it was just impossible. There were some fortnights where I had to decide whether I was buying myself groceries or paying electricity bills. I had to make sure that there was an internet connection for my son so that he could study, but I would go without so that he could survive.

I couldn't save. Everything I got had to be spent just on survival. And so that feeling of happiness and stability that I got when I moved into stable housing had that background noise of anxiety about: 'When is this going to be happy again? When will I be able to afford to take my son to the movies again?' It's just simple things. I want to buy a packet of chips for my son and have a movie night, but I can't afford it this fortnight.

But as difficult as it was, and still is, it's so much worse for so many other people. At least I have somewhere to live; I have a stable roof over my head. I don't have vices: I don't drink or smoke or anything like that. Just some cola and a videogame is all I need! I play Fortnite with my son, when he demands I, and that's fine!

But I have a friend who can't get stable housing. He lives in a—like my apartment is smaller than the room we're in now and his apartment is smaller than my bedroom. He lived there for years with his partner. He was on the waiting list for public housing for over a decade, which is insane—literally insane. He's still waiting. I got on a priority list because of my depression, but because he has a good outlook on life he didn't. He's one of the most optimistic people and yet he's got so many health problems. He needs stable housing and he can't get it. It's heartbreaking. He and I and people I know, we are people. We are human, we're just like every one of you. We deserve our dignity, and most of us want to contribute to society as much as we can.

I would love to be able to do a full day's work. Sometimes I can't. I've developed chronic pain and chronic fatigue from depression. The three are very comorbid—I call them the 'axis of stuckiness'. Just from the stress of being able to afford to eat can debilitate you, and then there's dealing with Centrelink. People often tell me that Centrelink is broken, but I tell them that Centrelink, as fundamentally flawed as it is, it is working exactly as designed. It is designed to be cruel and it is designed to punish people. It is designed to obfuscate its help to as many people as possible. The government did this, and you can change this and help us.

That's where we need to go for help, and it punishes us for asking for help. How did it get to this? How did we get to this point? This system is your system. Please help us. Thank you.


Witness A: Hi, I'm autistic. I'm not fully diagnosed properly, but I have recently been diagnosed with it and ADHD combined. I was originally diagnosed with autism back when I was 28, but there are lots of issues involved. I've kind of written this to the way my brain works, so please. If I wasn't poor, my trauma would be recognised. I would be treated for my diagnosis. I wouldn't be so isolated. I would have access to safe housing. I'm on JobSeeker after 15 years of being on carers for my ex. I would not need the intensive support I now need. If I wasn't poor I could seek expert and narcissistic abuse trauma therapy. I could get stellar trauma recovery for the PTSD. If I wasn't poor, I would be completely and properly diagnosed, properly medicated and supported. Cognitive therapies appropriate to my needs would be available. I would have my physical health if I wasn't poor. I'd have my mental health. I'd be able to get expensive medical tests to diagnose my autoimmune issues.

If I wasn't poor, it would not have taken a horrendous assault at Hanover Launch Housing—approximately one to two weeks after telling staff about the threats and being dismissed by them—breaking my jaw amongst other things in an assault—she had the same hair and reach as my ex—resulting in more PTSD and my face looking like this. She was charged with and found guilty of intentionally causing serious injury, and this is what it took for me to get access to appropriate counselling.

As I said before, my diagnosis would be recognised. I wouldn't be scared all the time, because I could afford security, a sleep study, a psychologist, hypnotherapy, a proper bed, and advocacy as a patient. My needs would be important. My health care would be based on prevention, not bandaids. The bare minimum should simply not be acceptable. I'd have a voice. My trauma responses would not be triggered as severely, because I'd have better support systems and behavioural directions in place. I would not be homeless. I would not look like this.

If I wasn't poor, maybe somebody would have asked for my side of the story. I would have been able to afford the drug tests that I wanted to get to prove that I don't use anymore, as I quit and haven't used heavy drugs for two years. If I had been able to get these drug tests, that would have negated the resultant systemic abuses in service, affording me proper wraparound with supportive health care instead of treating me like a junkie chasing diagnosis for legal drugs—because that's how it's been.

If I wasn't poor, I would have been able to afford a lawyer when I was discarded after 25 years of narcissistic abuse, and I would have had access to half his super for this time period, meaning I would not have been homeless, meaning I would not have eight broken bones from being so. I would not have been raped again. I would not have been thrown from a building, three months after leaving him, by friends of his. It would have been investigated. I'd still be a parent to my children, as the police would have charged him and taken him away all those years ago. I would have got appropriate counselling then. I then would have known that I had been a victim of trauma and abuse all my life. I would not have ended up with, or stayed with, a victim of Mr Stinky—because he did to me what they did to him.

I could afford studio space so I could explore my potential as an artist and, hopefully, have a career. I could smile without being self-conscious. I could afford to get the reports I need to get the damage from the centre assault fixed. I would not be invisible. I would not be in pain. If I wasn't poor, I'd have justice in my life. I would be safe and have time to heal. Other people would be held accountable for their actions. I would not have slipped through the cracks my whole life. I could afford dreams. If I wasn't poor, securing proper healthcare services would not depend on my likability. I would be harder to victimise. I would have teeth. I would not have cursed my children to the same generational trauma I have been through. I would not be unsupported in the H2H system or kicked out—I'm not sure which it is at the moment. I'd have a next of kin. I would have the exact support I actually need. I would not be emotionally dysregulated, nor would my nervous system be. I would be able to fully explore my neurodiversity and learn how to be, instead of fighting to defend myself for being so and having to defend myself for needing medication, cognitive therapies and support. I would be safe.

I'll finish on this: if I wasn't poor, the fact that the NDIS does not recognise ADHD as requiring funding—this is going to keep me in poverty. It is going to keep in this, because I need the help and the support with the things I need the help and the support with. Thank you.


David: Thank you for the opportunity to talk today. My name is David. I was born into a family that awkwardly straddled the line of being lower middle class and poverty stricken. This meant receiving a novelty coloured flat tennis ball from Santa, and the few family holidays were courtesy of staying at accommodation owned by the church or a nun.

My family environment was not a healthy one, and I saw myself living rough at age 13. This was noticed by a teacher at school, and I was eventually put into foster care. When I was released from foster care, I ended up having my first suicide attempts. During my time in hospital, I had a treating nurse give me instructions on how to commit the act correctly. Due to the embarrassment, and my parents being unable or unwilling to continue paying for my education, I left home and found myself work.

After years in hospitality, I found myself a role as a retail store manager. Things were starting to improve immensely. I was being headhunted by a few other companies, including for a high-salary FMCG position and a career change option as an electrical engineer. Financially I was doing well, having recently purchased a new car, and I was finally able to apply for a mortgage. I was socially active, attending regular live music venues and clubs. I was an avid reef tank keeper and bushwalker, active member of the Demons supporter group and a regular gym junkie, and I had been invited to join the local indoor cricket team and football team.

However, in November 2003 that all changed. Driving home from the city after a night out, a man ran a red light and crashed into my car. I sustained over 43 fractures and an acquired brain injury, later found to be a peripheral vestibular dysfunction. My car insurance refused to pay on a technicality. I was in rehabilitation for eight years as both an inpatient and an outpatient. My work at the time made me sign a new contract which took away 80 per cent of my previous salary, in which my OT convinced me this was my best and only move.

Unable to support myself or my animals, I gave them up and started staying with assorted family members during my recovery. When I sought advice and support for job training, I was constantly denied. Eventually, I was permitted to seek assistance with the CRS, Commonwealth Rehabilitation Service. They told me, as I was in a wheelchair, the only position I was suited to was a cabinet-maker.

I rejected this premise, and, using the little money I had, I went back to adult education to secure my VCE in Melbourne. I accomplished that and moved to Adelaide, getting first class honours in a Bachelor of Science in animal science, made possible by access to student accommodation and a Commonwealth scholarship. I then moved to Queensland to undertake my PhD in veterinary microbiology, researching antimicrobial resistance—again, made possible by an APA and NAVTA's animal health scholarship. As is often the case, my PhD journey took longer than the three years of the scholarship. I picked up slack tutoring at campuses in Gatton and the city.

These were only ever casual contracts, and eventually mine were not renewed when universities and schools started tightening their purse strings.

Struggling to make ends meet and with the stress of my complex PTSD and everything else, I was recommended by my GPs to go on the DSP. I needed to get my body and my head right. It was their hope that I might also be granted help from the NDIS for my mental health sessions, as well as pain management and some surgeries on my left knee. Whilst I possessed two certificates of serious injury, the entire lengthy process for the DSP was dehumanising, difficult, embarrassing and painful.

In the meantime, on JobSeeker and mutual obligations, I was sent to useless and demeaning employment providers. At one firm, when I asked if I should disclose details of my disabilities in the acceptance of a job interview form, my case manager screamed at me, 'Do you even want a fucking job?' So I didn't. Then I had an episode at work when I was forced to go home, and my request to use my point stick at work was denied. Another firm, Sarina Russo, told me in my first meeting, 'We don't get people like you in.' I'm still unsure about what they were referring to.

Finding employment privately has been just as challenging. I've had responses like, 'Your resume is very intimidating'—again, I'm not sure if that is code for, 'You are too old and disabled.' I've withdrawn four times in the past few years from doing my master's, due to poverty. I eventually started my own tutoring business to make ends meet. Even though I overestimated my potential income, well below the allowance, I'm actually worse off with the reduction of my DSP, especially now that schools have finished and my clients are on holidays, and of course there are holidays throughout the year.

After the floods in late February, I was drained of all my savings just trying to escape and survive the disaster.

My real estate increased my rent twice in a matter of months. I tried desperately to find alternative accommodation. Despite my five-star rental rating, I was unsuccessful. Now, with my DSP alone, I am left with $177 for the fortnight after I pay rent. Of course, I can't do that all the time. I need to keep fuel in my car and money to pay for credit to contact prospective clients. I'm currently around five weeks in arrears; I'm just waiting for my eviction notice.

I swallowed my pride and sought assistance at Housing Queensland. The first time I tried, I was turned away due to the number of people requiring help. When I did get an appointment, I was given a very erudite observation: I don't earn enough money. I was told that I needed to go and find more clients and then get back to Housing Queensland so they could perhaps help me.

I've been working six days a week as a tutor, and I do one morning per week as a volunteer at the wildlife hospital and RSPCA. If I'm not working, I'm in bed. I'm exhausted, not only because I'm doing more than what I should be but because of the stress of everything else that most people take for granted. I'm forgetful, I'm fatigued, my diet is horrible, yet my GP wants me to take extra vitamins—with what, when I'm making the hard decisions between buying food or buying medicine? He also prescribed treatment for my chronic pain. I have not had a pain-free day in almost 20 years. I can't afford these treatments, so I'll never know if it would work. I no longer go out, I don't date, I don't socialise. I can't afford to. Also, I can't afford not to. Thank you.


Jennifer: Thank you for letting me speak off the cuff. I have lived experience in everything, from poverty to homelessness to being a single parent to living on Centrelink for most of my life. I started because my partner left, and I got left to raise children on my own. Being that I had no family support, and children, I did not have an option to work. It was financially not viable for me, with no training and no career to move forward into, to do anything else. Back then, it was supportable to manage renting a home, owning a car, paying insurance and feeding my children. It was a struggle, it was tight and it had to be budgeted, but it was doable. Over the years, I have gone harder and harder into making a budget stretch. I know that there have been indexes and increases, but they have definitely not kept up with the cost of living for anybody. And this is not just recent. 1993 was when I had my first child.

I became a victim of homelessness because of legal rental laws. My landlord decided that she was not going to renew my lease. She only gave me two weeks notice. There was nothing I could do about it. It was end of lease, and it was completely lawful. I had nowhere to go and still had no family support. I had an eight-year-old son, then. I actually brought him on a holiday to Millicent. We stayed in a caravan for a couple of weeks, and he had a great time. He didn't know we were homeless. I had to bring him back to Adelaide because he had to go to school, and we still had nowhere to live. I was lucky that I got a place in the Middle Beach caravan park. He then had to move schools. My son, who is now 24, is still experiencing homelessness. This is normal to him. This is his life now. It's the only thing he knows. I was never able to keep him at the same school, because I had to move over and over again, through boarding homes, through trying to keep a roof over his head.

He got to year 12, and I couldn't do it anymore. I knew I wasn't going to be able to house him. I had to hand over my son to a father who had not been in his life for over 16 years—someone he didn't know at all. I had to put him with a stranger so that he could finish school. I didn't have a choice in that. That was my choice, but I felt I didn't have a choice in it. I felt he had every right to have a childhood and every right to have a career. That left me completely unsupported in every aspect, because the one thing that I'd been holding onto was now gone. I had no children anymore. I had no support anymore.

I got all the answers that everyone else gets. I've got a car to sleep in. I'm not homeless; I have a roof over my head! That is the government's opinion. That is the services' opinion. It's not the opinion of anyone who is homeless. That's not an opinion that I carry. I spent nearly eight years sleeping in my car because I couldn't find anywhere suitable to live. The longer I went without anywhere to live, without an address, the harder it became for me to find anywhere suitable to live. What land agent is, realistically, going to rent a home to somebody who doesn't have a rental history for eight years? How do you explain that you've been homeless for eight years to somebody?

As for work, I got lots of jobs, casual jobs, while I was homeless. As soon as they found out I was homeless, I'd lose my job. It didn't matter that I was at work every day, clean, tidy, early. That doesn't matter to any employer. I worked full time, homeless—sleeping in caravans, sleeping in my car, sleeping in hotels. That was the contract I had for Centrelink. I had people screaming at me that I had no idea what they were going through. I knew exactly what they were going through. I couldn't get any help. I worked full time. I fell through another gap. I was on a low income. I wasn't even on a government income. I couldn't even afford to stay in a hotel every day of the week. I was still sleeping in my car because I couldn't afford to stay in motels.

There are so many people slipping through the gaps in our society. We are supporting individuals as we can, but it's not okay. Homelessness isn't okay for anybody. Poverty isn't okay for anybody. For First Nations, 'it's been addressed'! What I learnt from the wonderful conference that SACOSS put on recently is that we're missing something very fundamental in this country. Our First Nations people are in poverty. They are the biggest poverty-sufferers, and that is not being addressed, they are not being supported and they are not being helped.

And I really, honestly believe that, until we address the discrepancy across the board, through everybody, First Nations or any other society within this country, we cannot move on. We are stuck with people living in poverty, and it has to be addressed.

I really just want to end there, so thank you for listening to me today.


Nijole: Thank you for letting me speak today. I'm speaking from my experience being at university and doing honours part time while having endometriosis and a few other health issues. I'm on jobseeker. This last year has been incredibly difficult for me. To give you an example from my study: I've felt like quitting numerous times this year, even though it was the final stretch for me, because I couldn't afford to buy lunch when I was at university. I would have to go home to eat. I finally figured out that if I took my groceries to uni and stuck them in the fridge I'd be able to have a sandwich. But I didn't have enough money to have two sets of groceries, so I'd go home and then I wouldn't have any there. I don't like telling you guys this. I don't enjoy vomiting out my personal, depressing details so you guys get an idea, but I guess I have to do that so you guys get an understanding of what people have had to deal with.

I approached the university student welfare section, and I was given a voucher for a certain food charity. I went to go use that voucher, but I didn't realise that I had to pay for it when I went there. I had no money. I used this voucher on a Friday. I first went to the wrong section. I wasn't told by the university that it had moved, so I wasted petrol one day going there. They shut early. I finally managed to get enough energy and went to the second place, and they were like, 'We can't do it.' They managed to give me some bread, a couple of potatoes and stuff, but I couldn't get anything from the shelf. The onions were rotten. This happens quite often with food charities, which people don't like hearing. It's very hard logistically, obviously, for them to always have fresh stuff, but I'm not eating rotten onions, and I'm not going to feel grateful for being offered rotten food. That's not fair. I would put to you guys: how am I supposed to reach my potential of getting a good grade if I cannot afford a sandwich? I'm not trying to be aggressive here, but it's impossible.

How can I function if the most basic things for me are so laden with administration, exhaustion and constant running around? Put that on top of me having to speak to my job network, which refuses to acknowledge my disability, and ever since they had a management change now refuses to give me phone credit, refuses to give me any vouchers, harasses me and tells me to get a sick certificate. I have to get a sick certificate and then put it in so I can avoid being harassed, even though I'm at university. I've managed to finish my program for the time being at university, but I didn't get the grade that I wanted or that I know I was capable of.

I don't want to take up too much time, but, from my perspective, just remember that food charities should not be used or seen as being the end in helping things, because they're struggling as much as everyone else. I've also been unable to afford medication and pain meds. Just to finally top it off, I don't think I'll be able to afford to preserve my fertility. With my endometriosis, I have to think very carefully in the next year, and that's a very upsetting thing for me, because I don't think I'll literally be able to afford it. They charge the same amount for creating embryos as they do for storing eggs. So that's a big thing.

I would ask you to think, when you talk about increasing payments and increasing obligations on people, do you want people to not have kids? Do you want people to not be able to afford medication? Do you want people to quit university and just give up? Because that's what happens when you're poor.


Thursday, 2 February 2023

Remembering all victims of child sexual abuse in Australia

 

St. Mary’s Basilica, Geelong, Victoria
"The Loud Fence" circa 2016


State of Play 2023: Royal Commission into the Robodebt Scheme in entering the final tranche of public hearings

 

Public hearings in the Royal Commission into the Robodebt Scheme have been underway since 31 October 2022.


Currently Hearing Block 3 is coming to an end and the final round of public hearings, Hearing Block 4, is due to commence on 20 February 2023.


This week evidence has been heard from a number of significant political & public service 'operatives': 


former Senior Media Adviser, Office of the Minister of Human Services (Aug 2016-Nov 2017), Rachelle Miller; 


former Agency Spokesperson, Department of Human Services (2000?-May 2019) & current Agency Spokesperson, Services Australia, Hank Jongen; 


Liberal MP for Aston & former Minister for Human Services (8.2.2016 to 20.12.2017), Alan Tudge; and, 


former Liberal MP for Pearce & former Minister for Social Services (21.9.2015 to 20.12.2017), Christian Porter.


However, before addressing their sworn testimony, a review of last week's hearings may be in order from journalist Rick Morton.


The Saturday Paper, 28 January 2023:










Evidence heard during one of the most incendiary weeks at the robo-debt royal commission has revealed the extraordinary lengths two federal government departments went to in order to cover up a multibillion-dollar crime that spanned years.


By early 2017, two years after the Centrelink debt fabrication scheme had begun, there were two external agencies with prying eyes threatening to expose the legal fiction on which the entire program rested.


The Commonwealth Ombudsman was investigating, and damning decisions were also coming back in greater numbers from the Administrative Appeals Tribunal.


Both the Department of Social Services and the Department of Human Services adopted a “pattern of behaviour” that would deliberately mislead the ombudsman, ignore directions from the AAT and conspire to keep the government’s dodgy decisions in-house by refusing to ever challenge them past a first-round loss with the tribunal.


It was this latter strategy – according to Emeritus Professor Terry Carney, who sat on the AAT and a predecessor tribunal for decades until the former Coalition government suddenly ended his tenure in 2017 – that was the main reason robo-debt was “able to operate for so long and at such costs to applicants”.


His evidence and the other evidence given this week is the clearest account yet of the extraordinary efforts the government and its departments went to in the name of continuing a scheme that they knew was unlawful and was raising fake debts. Tens of thousands more people were dragged into the mess while this was known.


Had there been a public ventilation of what the AAT was ruling, there wouldn’t have been an instant change to, or abandonment of, the scheme,” Carney told the hearing on Tuesday.


But it would have been a lot quicker than the three or more years that nearly half a million people had to suffer the raising of unlawful debts against them.”


The fact the Commonwealth never appealed against a single decision was “unprecedented”, Carney said. This was even more startling a strategy when it became clear lawyers and appeal branch managers in the Department of Human Services (DHS) knew what was going on and did nothing to change course.


"Everybody needs to understand how many thousands of people were affected so badly by a system that was put in by a government department."


Under Commonwealth model litigant obligations and separate responsibilities enshrined in social security law, the federal government is required to have “due regard” to AAT decisions and should act to contest them where it involves a significant matter of law or policy or where different decisions create “inconsistencies” in the application of policy.


Former DHS appeals branch manager Elizabeth Bundy, a qualified lawyer, told the Royal Commission into the Robodebt Scheme on Tuesday that she probably didn’t read one of Professor Carney’s adverse tribunal decisions that was explicitly sent to her for monitoring “because it was very long and legalistic”.


Emails between Bundy and a lawyer in her team, Damien Brazel, sent in late March 2017, show they understood the significance of the Carney decision because it involved the use of income averaging from the “manual” pilot stage of robo-debt, a domain they say they believed was not an issue.


We need to escalate this ASAP,” Bundy wrote to Brazel on March 24, suggesting they should inform DHS deputy secretary Malisa Golightly.


The following day, a Saturday, at 8.35pm, Darren Zogopoulos, a manager in DHS, emailed about a “third set aside … decision” with a note of alarm.


This one is very interesting,” he wrote. “I would be concerned of [sic] legal services didn’t contest this. If they don’t, it will open up Pandora’s Box.”


Not only did they not contest this or any other decision, however, but DHS lawyers met some of the decisions with institutional arrogance……


It is helpful to go through this time line in detail.


The sequence of events begins around January 11, 2017, when DSS officials – including former director of payment integrity and debt strategy Robert Hurman – became aware of the ombudsman’s investigation.


From this date, the fuse of bureaucratic panic was lit.


Within hours, Hurman had been sent the only written advice his department had ever sought about the legality of the scheme: the 2014 advice written by Simon Jordan and second-counselled by senior lawyer Anne Pulford, which was unequivocal in its statement that the fundamental basis of robo-debt was illegal.


What to do?


Greggery laid out the department’s blueprint for deception.


I suggest to you there was a common understanding within DSS – from the time the ombudsman’s investigation was received – to go on the front foot and defend the scheme as being both lawful and accurate in raising debts,” he said to Hurman.


There was a pattern of behaviour from the start by people within DSS, of which you were a part, and it was designed to establish the lawfulness of the scheme in the representations that it made to the ombudsman, irrespective of the true position.”


Hurman responded that they “were trying to show it in a positive light”, a description that rankled the senior counsel.


Yes,” Greggery said, “but it’s a bit hard to put a positive light on something that you understood was being conducted unlawfully according to the advice that had been given in 2014.”


Hurman and colleagues commissioned a new set of legal advice from Pulford, the same lawyer who co-authored the 2014 advice, only this time the answer to ostensibly the same proposition was that income averaging could be used to raise a debt.


This “2017 advice” wasn’t delivered until later in January. Six days before it arrived, on January 18, DSS officials attended a walkthrough with DHS leadership about the robo-debt scheme. About the same time then ministers Alan Tudge and Christian Porter were making public statements asserting the lawfulness of the program.


Although Hurman was on leave for this January 18 walkthrough, he authored an email that stated DSS staff were “comfortable that the current process is lawful and clear”.


Greggery asked how this could have been so. The walkthrough happened after the 2014 advice had been recirculated, noting the scheme was unlawful, and before the new Pulford advice had been received.


So how could you be satisfied, or how could you represent that senior department staff were comfortable that the current process was both lawful and clear,” Greggery pressed, “in circumstances where you had been given contrary advice?”


Initially, Hurman had believed the original advice should be withheld. After a tense back and forth between the policy and legal teams, a decision was made to send both to the ombudsman.


However, on February 23, Greggery said, Hurman learnt that only the 2017 advice had gone to the ombudsman. The legal opinion acknowledging the scheme was likely unlawful was not sent. Former branch manager Russell de Burgh, Hurman’s boss, accepts that the 2017 advice was the only document the department ever had that could be construed as suggesting the scheme was even remotely lawful…….


Read the full article here.


Wednesday, 1 February 2023

From Berejiklian in 2018 through to Perrottet in 2023 - the many promises made by the NSW Coalition Government to fund redevelopment of Grafton Base Hospital

 

THE IDENTIFIED NEED



The Daily Examiner, 31 July 2018, p.1:


Grafton Base Hospital will offer inpatient mental health services when a $263.8million redevelopment is funded.

For the first time the Northern NSW Local Health District has made the hospital its number one priority in its Asset Strategic Plan for 2018/19.



The Daily Examiner, 20 October 2018, p.4:


In July the Northern NSW Local Health District made a rebuild of the hospital its top priority for the coming year at a cost of $263.8million.

It’s report on the priority listing noted the hospital was close to capacity with inpatient beds, emergency, renal dialysis and chemotherapy infrastructure expected to reach capacity by 2022 and infrastructure for ambulatory care services was to reach capacity in 2020.

It also noted the construction of Australia’s largest jail, due for completion south of Grafton at the end of 2020, would also place stresses on the region’s health services.



The Daily Examiner, 22 November 2018, p.5:


Clarence Valley Council has also thrown its support behind the redevelopment of the Grafton Base Hospital.

It will write to the premier, deputy premier, minister for health, and member for Clarence Chris Gulaptis expressing its support for the $263.8m redevelopment.



THE HALF-PROMISES BEGIN


The Daily Examiner, 8 December 2018, p.22:


More hospital funding remains in his sights with the potential $268 million rebuild of the tired piece of infrastructure.


The Daily Examiner, 19 December 2018, p. 9:

Mr Gulaptis said he was continuing to pressure the government to allocate the $268 million funding for the hospital…..



THE REPETITIVE PROMISES


Clarence Valley Independent, 13 March 2019:


Gulaptis promise of $263m Grafton Hospital overhaul


The Daily Examiner, 21 June 2019, p.3: 


The $263 million commitment to the Grafton Base Hospital redevelopment was made in the final weeks of the campaign in March and is just one of many major infrastructure promises outlined in the 2019-20 Budget Papers. However, there there was no specific line item in the 2019-20 Budget and Nationals MP Chris Gulaptis was quick to point out it would take time.”


The Daily Mercury, 31 July 2020:










HEALTH NEEDS CONTINUE UNMET



North Coast Voices, 21 February 2021:


PUBLIC HOSPITAL ELECTIVE SURGERY MEDIAN WAITING TIMES IN NORTH-EAST NSW......

Grafton Base Hospital:

Hip replacement - the median wait was 6 days in 2011-12 and blew out to 77 days by 2017-18 and latest figures for 2019-20 stand at 67 days.

Total knee replacement - the median wait was 10 days in 2011-12 and blew out to 145 days by 2017-18 and latest figures for 2019-20 stand at 135 days.

Shoulder joint replacement - the wait was 8 days in 2016-17 and blew out to 11 days by 2017-18 and latest figures for 2019-20 stand at less than 5 days.

Ophthalmology - the median wait was 285 days in 2011-12 and latest figures for 2019-20 stand at 326 days, the highest median waiting time in the last nine financial years.

Between July and September 2020 a total of 652 unspecified elective surgery procedures were performed.


Clarence Valley Independent, 10 August 2022: 


The Clarence Valley Independent hit the streets last week and asked members of the public to share their thoughts after the Northern NSW Local Health District (NNSWLHD) revealed Grafton Base Hospital (GBH) had no on-site obstetrician, or available locums to cover shortages, and subsequently, expectant and birthing mothers were being referred to Lismore Base Hospital and Coffs Harbour Health Campus.

The NNSWLHD released a second statement two days later, announcing staff had altered their rosters to ensure previously advised gaps in specialist obstetrician cover were filled.....


THE PROMISES CONTINUE AND SO DO THE PROBLEMS

NSW Nationals, media release, 25 January 2023:


Regional Health and Mental Health Minister Bronnie Taylor, Nationals’ Member for Clarence Chris Gulaptis, and Nationals’ candidate for Clarence Richie Williamson have announced a major step forward in the $264 million Grafton Base Hospital redevelopment.



ABC News, 25 January 2023:


After her knee replacement surgery was cancelled twice last year, Yamba woman Rosalind Walsh could not bear to think it might happen again.


The 72-year-old was scheduled this week for orthopaedic work at Grafton Base Hospital in northern New South Wales, but was called on the day by hospital management asking her to stay home.


"They just said, 'We don't have a bed'," Ms Walsh said.


"They said, 'We can't do the surgery, but you're still booked in'."


Anaesthetist & former Grafton Medical Staff Council chair Allan Tyson said there were real repercussions for people who missed out.


"It is common," he said.


"We have to say, 'Sorry, you have to go home because the surgery can't be done'.


"It's not just elective surgery, if you can't walk."


Dr Tyson said the Grafton hospital was operating well beyond its capacity.


"We've got 18 patients in a ward today that is funded for eight patients," he said.


"Last week our fly-in surgeon missed out on three or four joint surgeries that we should have done, but didn't have the bed space.


"In the end, it's our patients that miss out."


For Rosalind Walsh, however, a long wait outside the hospital was worth it.


The ABC understands hospital management was able to redirect patients from the emergency department, resulting in a spare bed so Ms Walsh could have her knee surgery & recover in hospital.


Paid doctors with nowhere to work


Northern NSW Local Health District chief executive Wayne Jones said surgeons, including those flying in to regional hospitals to help reduce elective surgery waitlists, were at times unable to operate.


"As chief executive it hurts to the bone to pay money I'm not getting a return on," he said.


"The reality is at times you can't avoid that.


"There is [an] unprecedented bed block that we're experiencing."


Mr Jones said administrators were planning as much as they could.


"It is worth noting that we're seeing a real decline in those overdue waits, over the last four or five months, as we're starting to develop more models of care," he said.


"We're doing surgery in our smaller facilities, we're freeing up beds & facilities in places like Grafton, so we are getting through more."


NSW Regional Health Minister Bronnie Taylor visited the hospital this week to commit to a new $274-million new hospital in Grafton — a similar pledge to a 2019 state election promise…...



Tuesday, 31 January 2023

Climate Change & Putin's aggression see the Doomsday Clock at 90 seconds to midnight in January 2023


The Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists is a media organization, publishing a free-access website and a bimonthly magazine. It began as an emergency action, created by scientists who saw an immediate need for a public reckoning in the aftermath of the atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki.

Since 1947 it has published the Doomsday Clock, which to date has been updated a total of 24 times. “The closer the clocks’ hands move toward midnight, the closer humanity supposedly moves toward self-inflicted destruction. As well as assessing risks from nuclear war, the scientists incorporate dangers from climate change, bioweapons and more.” [Time Magazine, 24 January 2023]


Science and Security Board, Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists, 2023 Doomsday Clock Statement, 24 January 2023:


A time of unprecedented danger: It is 90 seconds to midnight


This year, the Science and Security Board of the Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists moves the hands of the Doomsday Clock forward, largely (though not exclusively) because of the mounting dangers of the war in Ukraine. The Clock now stands at 90 seconds to midnight—the closest to global catastrophe it has ever been.


The war in Ukraine may enter a second horrifying year, with both sides convinced they can win. Ukraine’s sovereignty and broader European security arrangements that have largely held since the end of World War II are at stake. Also, Russia’s war on Ukraine has raised profound questions about how states interact, eroding norms of international conduct that underpin successful responses to a variety of global risks.


And worst of all, Russia’s thinly veiled threats to use nuclear weapons remind the world that escalation of the conflict—by accident, intention, or miscalculation—is a terrible risk. The possibility that the conflict could spin out of anyone’s control remains high.


Russia’s recent actions contravene decades of commitments by Moscow. In 1994, Russia joined the United States and United Kingdom in Budapest, Hungary, to solemnly declare that it would "respect the independence and sovereignty and the existing borders of Ukraine" and "refrain from the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of Ukraine..." These assurances were made explicitly on the understanding that Ukraine would relinquish nuclear weapons on its soil and sign the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty—both of which Ukraine did.


Russia has also brought its war to the Chernobyl and Zaporizhzhia nuclear reactor sites, violating international protocols and risking widespread release of radioactive materials. Efforts by the International Atomic Energy Agency to secure these plants so far have been rebuffed.


As Russia’s war on Ukraine continues, the last remaining nuclear weapons treaty between Russia and the United States, New START, stands in jeopardy. Unless the two parties resume negotiations and find a basis for further reductions, the treaty will expire in February 2026. This would eliminate mutual inspections, deepen mistrust, spur a nuclear arms race, and heighten the possibility of a nuclear exchange.


As UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres warned in August, the world has entered “a time of nuclear danger not seen since the height of the Cold War.”


The war’s effects are not limited to an increase in nuclear danger; they also undermine global efforts to combat climate change. Countries dependent on Russian oil and gas have sought to diversify their supplies and suppliers, leading to expanded investment in natural gas exactly when such investment should have been shrinking.


In the context of a hot war and against the backdrop of nuclear threats, Russia’s false accusations that Ukraine planned to use radiological dispersal devices, chemical weapons, and biological weapons take on new meaning as well. The continuing stream of disinformation about bioweapons laboratories in Ukraine raises concerns that Russia itself may be thinking of deploying such weapons, which many experts believe it continues to develop.


Russia’s invasion of Ukraine has increased the risk of nuclear weapons use, raised the specter of biological and chemical weapons use, hamstrung the world’s response to climate change, and hampered international efforts to deal with other global concerns. The invasion and annexation of Ukrainian territory have also violated international norms in ways that may embolden others to take actions that challenge previous understandings and threaten stability.


There is no clear pathway for forging a just peace that discourages future aggression under the shadow of nuclear weapons. But at a minimum, the United States must keep the door open to principled engagement with Moscow that reduces the dangerous increase in nuclear risk the war has fostered. One element of risk reduction could involve sustained, high-level US military-to-military contacts with Russia to reduce the likelihood of miscalculation. The US government, its NATO allies, and Ukraine have a multitude of channels for dialogue; they all should be explored. Finding a path to serious peace negotiations could go a long way toward reducing the risk of escalation. In this time of unprecedented global danger, concerted action is required, and every second counts.


Countervailing dynamics: Addressing climate change during the invasion of Ukraine


Addressing climate change requires faith in institutions of multilateral governance. The geopolitical fissure opened by the invasion of Ukraine has weakened the global will to cooperate while undermining confidence in the durability, or even the feasibility, of broad-based multilateral collaboration.


With Russia second only to the United States in global production of both natural gas and oil, the invasion of Ukraine sparked a rush to establish independence from Russian energy supplies, particularly in the European Union. From the standpoint of climate change, this has contributed to two countervailing dynamics.


First, the elevated energy prices have spurred investment in renewables and motivated countries to implement policies that support renewables development. With this rise in deployment, the International Energy Agency now projects that wind and solar energy combined will approach 20 percent of global power generation five years from now, with China installing nearly half of the new renewable power capacity.


At the same time, however, high natural gas prices have driven a quest to develop new gas supplies, spurring investment in natural gas production and export infrastructure in the United States, the EU, Africa, and elsewhere, largely financed by major oil and gas transnationals and investment firms. This private capital continues to flow into developing new fossil fuel resources, even while public finance is facing pressure to pull out. All G7 countries have pledged to end public financing of international fossil fuel projects this year, and the Beyond Oil and Gas Alliance, a group of eight countries, has formally committed to end new concessions, licensing or leasing rounds for oil and gas production and exploration, and to set a timeline for ending production that is consistent with their Paris agreement pledges.


Notwithstanding these two processes, both of which should in principle reduce demand for Russian gas, Russia was on course in 2022 to earn as much as the previous year from oil and gas exports, largely owing to continued European demand.


As a consequence, global carbon dioxide emissions from burning fossil fuels, after having rebounded from the COVID economic decline to an all-time high in 2021, continued to rise in 2022 and hit another record high. A decline in Chinese emissions was overshadowed by a rise in the United States, India, and elsewhere…. 

Monday, 30 January 2023

National Bird Week "Great Aussie Bird Count" 2022 results

 

 Over seven days in October 2022 - from Monday 17th to  Sunday 23rd - a total of 17,419 people participated in the annual Great Aussie Bird Count under the auspices by Birdlife Australia. Between them submitting 124,430 online check lists.


Despite record rains and flooding across much of Australia during National Bird Week the number of individual birds counted reached 3,913,281 across 620 species.


INDIVIDUAL BIRD COUNT BY STATE & TERRITORY

NSW : 1,222, 597 

Vic: 944,536

Qld: 789,156

SA: 382,586

WA: 289,740

Tas: 128,885

ACT: 80,898

NT: 72,915

External territories: 1,967.


Top 10 Birds Australia-wide : 1. Rainbow Lorikeet, 2. Noisy Miner, 3. Australian Magpie, 4. Sulphur-crested Cockatoo, 5. Galah, 6. House Sparrow, 7. Welcome Swallow, 8. Silver Gull, 9. Red Wattlebird, 10. Australian White Ibis.



Top 3 Birds by State or Territory: Qld Rainbow Lorikeet, Noisy Miner, Torresian Crow; NSW Rainbow Lorikeet, Noisy Miner, Sulphur-crested Cockatoo; ACT Sulphur-crested Cockatoo, Australian Magpie, Galah; Vic Rainbow Lorikeet, Australian Magpie, Noisy Miner; Tas House Sparrow, Common Blackbird, Common Starling; SA Rainbow Lorikeet, New Holland Honeyeater, Noisy Miner; WA Rainbow Lorikeet, New Holland Honeyeater, Galah; External Territories Red Junglefowl, White Tern, Great Frigatebird.


 

Sunday, 29 January 2023

Widespread flooding in first half of 2022 sees latest land valuations expected to fall in worst hit areas of the Northern Rivers region


Due to Northern Rivers flooding in February-March and June 2022, property owners in flood affected locations in Lismore City local government area such as North, South and central Lismore experienced decreases in demand for their lots. As did property owners in flood affected Ocean Shores and Golden Beach in Byron Shire


"Lismore saw a 23.9% decrease [in commercial land demand] after the 2022 floods significantly impacted the area, with the entire CBD being inundated....Lismore [industrial land] decreased slightly (5.2%) as a two-tier market emerged with premiums being paid for flood free industrial land.....Strong demand continued in Lismore (23.7%) for productive farmlands to the northwest which were not as severely affected by the 2022 floods."


Valuer General of New South Wales, Valuation NSW, Media Release, 19 January 2023:


New land values published for the North Coast region


The NSW Valuer General has published land values for the North Coast region. The land values reflect the value of land only, as at 1 July 2022.


Land value is the value of the land only. It does not include the value of a home or other structure. Property sales are the most important factor valuers consider when determining land values. [my yellow highlighting]


The new land values will be used by Revenue NSW to calculate land tax for the 2023 land tax year. Registered land tax clients will receive their land tax assessment from Revenue NSW from January 2023. More information on land tax can be found at revenue.nsw.gov.au.


Councils receive new land values for rating at least every three years. Land values are one factor used by councils to calculate rates. All councils have been issued with the 1 July 2022 land values.


Landholders will receive a Notice of Valuation showing their land value before it is used by council for rating. Notices will be issued from January 2023. This gives landholders time to consider their land value.


The latest land values for all properties in NSW are available on the Valuer General NSW website, along with information on trends, medians and typical land values for each local government area.


Please visit www.valuergeneral.nsw.gov.au for more information on land values and the NSW valuation system.








North Coast Region local government areas


Ballina, Bellingen, Byron, Clarence Valley, Coffs Harbour, Kempsey, Kyogle, Lismore, MidCoast, Nambucca, Port Macquarie-Hastings, Richmond Valley and Tweed.


General overview


The total land value for the North Coast NSW region increased by 35.9% between 1 July 2021 and 1 July 2022 from $116 billion to $158 billion.


Residential land values increased 36.8% overall. Demand for rural villages, hinterland and beachside locations continue as sea and tree changers relocate to work remotely. This trend was particularly evident in Coffs Harbour (46.7%), Port Macquarie (38%) and Clarence Valley (46.5%). Lismore (31.5%) saw increased demand in flood free areas including Goonellabah, Lismore Heights and Richmond Hill while flood affected locations such as North, South and central Lismore experienced decreases. Byron (18.2%) varied as decreases in flood affected Ocean Shores and Golden Beach offset increases at Brunswick Heads, Suffolk Park and elevated Pacific Vista Drive, Byron Bay.


Commercial land values increased 24.1% overall. Relative affordability contributed to Bellingen (56.7%) and Clarence Valley (40%) experiencing the strongest increases. In Ballina (14.9%), the flood impacted CBD experienced moderate to slight increases while Lennox Head and Wollongbar increased strongly due to tight supply. Byron (25.2%) increases highlight continued strength in the Byron tourism sector and investor demand. Lismore saw a 23.9% decrease after the 2022 floods significantly impacted the area, with the entire CBD being inundated.


Industrial land values increased by 29.6% overall. Clarence Valley (122.5%) saw heightened demand for a limited supply of affordable fringe industrial land around Grafton and Yamba. Similar supply issues led very strong increases in Kempsey (56.4%), especially South Kempsey precinct, and drove values in affordable fringe locations of Woolgoolga and Macksville which contributed to very strong increases in Coffs Harbour (41.5%) and Nambucca (37.7%). Lismore decreased slightly (5.2%) as a two-tier market emerged with premiums being paid for flood free industrial land.


Rural land values increased 37.4%. Strong commodity prices drove demand for quality agricultural land with reliable water and resulted in increases regionwide, with Port Macquarie-Hastings (54.5%) leading the trend. Relative affordability drove demand in several local government areas including Nambucca (51.4%) and Kempsey (40.3%). Across Byron (26.1%), values remained steady in flood impacted localities including Main Arm and Mullumbimby while purchasers underpinned strong demand for rural homes and hobby farms in areas like Myocum and Bangalow. Strong demand continued in Lismore (23.7%) for productive farmlands to the northwest which were not as severely affected by the 2022 floods.


~~~Ends~~~