— The Cathy Wilcox (@cathywilcox1) May 14, 2019
Showing posts with label Australian society. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Australian society. Show all posts
Saturday 18 May 2019
Tuesday 9 April 2019
Speaking truth about “the rightness of whiteness”
The
Guardian, 3
April 2019:
The Labor senator and
Yawuru man Pat Dodson spoke about the links between Australia’s massacre
history and the terrorist attacks in Christchurch, while addressing the censure
motion against Fraser Anning in
the Senate.
The
motion condemned Anning for his “inflammatory and divisive comments
seeking to attribute blame to victims of a horrific crime and to vilify people
on the basis of religion, which do not reflect the opinions of the Australian
Senate or the Australian people.”
Dodson said Indigenous
people carry the consequence of murderous prejudice “throughout our entwined
history”.
“First Nations’ peoples … know the impacts of
murder wilfully carried out and morally justified by hatred of minorities,
misplaced power and bullying superiority,” Dodson said.
“In Gurindji country,
they talk of the Killing
Times.
“Mounted Constable
Willshire was stationed at Victoria River Downs in the 1890s. He was a mass
murderer in uniform, who took it upon himself to protect the interests of
cattlemen by dispersing the traditional owners of the lands at gunpoint.
“He took to print,
justifying his actions with boastful pride and emboldened by the rightness of
whiteness and condemned the First Nations’ people to death.
“Willshire wrote about
the killing on Wave Hill: ‘It’s no use mincing matters. The Martini-Henry
carbines at the critical moment were talking English in the silent majesty of
these eternal rocks.’”
Dodson said he has
walked through some of the sites
of mass murder in Australia with descendants of the victims and
“sometimes too with the descendants of murderers.”
“In South Australia I
visited a monument erected by both sides in the small community of Elliston to
commemorate the mass murder of men, women and children pushed over the steep
sea cliffs by charging horsemen and barking dogs.
“I have visited the
sites of massacres, of mass murders in Balgo, in Forrest
River, and at Coniston.
Those mass murders took place in living memory.
“I have sat down with
old Warlpiri men and women who luckily survived those murderous attacks as
young babies, hidden from the attacks.
“1928 was not that long
ago. My mother was just seven years old.
“But we are in 2019 now
and a mass murderer, rejecting the richness of difference, driven by religious
hatred and xenophobia, empowered by military-style weapons, has waged his
atrocity in Christchurch,” Dodson said.
“The murder of 50
innocent people does not just happen. It arises from the feeding of hate,
irresponsible language and the demonising of people of colour, and difference.
“We know, and senator
Anning knows, the real cause of the bloodshed in Christchurch. The real cause
was prejudice, hate, and a passion for violent action, aided and abetted by the
availability of military-style weapons.
“We call out those who
exploit fear and ignorance for political gain: who mock the traditional dress
of women of another culture; who seek
donations from the manufacturers of weapons of war to override our own laws;
who argue that it
is “alright to be white”.
“Their values would
plunge our country back into the Killing Times.
“We should instead turn
our face to the light of a new future, a peaceful, non-violent, tolerant
country of hope, respect and unity.
“A country where no
innocent man, women or child is ever again the victim of mass murder.”
Wednesday 3 April 2019
Est. 32 per cent of Australian farmers still haven't come to grips with the reality of climate change
ABC News, 31 March 2019:
When the Reserve Bank
announced recently that it was factoring climate change into interest rate
calculations, it underlined a mainstream acceptance of potential impacts for a
warming planet.
Climate change now had
economic consequences.
But resistance to the
premise of human-induced climate change still rages, including in regional and rural
communities, which often are the very communities already feeling its effects.
"When you look at
the results of different surveys going back a few years, farmers were four
times more likely than the national average to be climate change deniers,"
said Professor Mark Howden, director at the ANU's Climate Change Institute.
"That was about 32
per cent versus about 8 per cent for the population average."
So, why do so many
people in regional and rural areas not believe in climate change?
ABC Central West's
Curious project put that question to some experts, who say the answer has more
to do with human nature than scientific reasoning.
Professor Matthew
Hornsey from the University of Queensland has dedicated his academic career to
understanding why people reject apparently reasonable messages.
"The metaphor
that's used in my papers is around what we call cognitive scientists versus
cognitive lawyers," he said.
"What we hope
people do when they interpret science is that they weigh it up in an
independent way and reach a conclusion.
"But in real life,
people behave more like lawyers, where they have a particular outcome that they
have in mind and then they selectively interpret the evidence in a way that
prosecutes the outcome they want to reach.
"So you selectively expose yourself to
information, you selectively critique the information, you selectively remember
the information in a way that reinforces what your gut is telling you."
This is known as
motivated reasoning — and online news source algorithms and social forums are
only enabling the phenomenon, allowing for further information curation for the
individual…..
Professor Hornsey says
there is another force fanning the flames of distrust between the scientific
and non-scientific communities.
"One thing that can
be said without huge amounts of controversy is that there is a relationship
between political conservatism and climate scepticism in Australia," he
said.
To better understand
this, the professor's research took him to 27 countries and found that for two-thirds
of these, there was no relationship between being politically conservative and
a climate science sceptic.
But Australia's
relationship between the two trailed only the United States in strength of
connection, he said.
"What we were
seeing was the greater the per-capita carbon emissions of a country, the
greater that relationship between climate scepticism and conservatism."
Professor Hornsey argues
that per-capita carbon emissions is an indicator for fossil fuel reliance,
which in turn creates greater stakes for the vested interests at play.
"When the stakes
are high and the vested interests from the fossil fuel community are enormous,
you see funded campaigns of misinformation, coaching conservatives what to
think about climate change," he said.
"That gets picked up by conservative media and
you get this orchestrated, very consistent, cohesive campaign of misinformation
to send the signal that the science is not yet in."…..
Professor Hornsey
believes current discourse can make farmers feel as though they are at the
centre of an overwhelming societal problem, triggering further psychological
rejection of the science.
"I feel sorry for
farmers around the climate change issue, because this is a problem that has
been caused collectively.
"Farmers are only a small part of the problem but
they are going to be a huge part of the solution, so I think they feel put
upon.
"They feel like
they are constantly being lectured about their need to make sacrifices to adapt
to a set of circumstances that are largely out of their control."
In 2010, in response to
a drought policy review panel, the Commonwealth initiated a pilot of drought
reform measures in Western Australia.
John Noonan from Curtin
University led the program, which went on to have staggering success in
converting not only participating farmers' attitudes to climate science, but
also in restructuring their farm management models in response to a changing
climate.
"First of all, when
talking with farmers, we didn't call it the drought pilot — we used the name
Farm Resilience Program," Mr Noonan said.
"If you go in to beat people up and have a
climate change conversation, you get nowhere.
"We got the farmers
to have conversations about changing rainfall patterns and continuing dry
spells, rather than us telling them what to do.
"And they told us
everything that we needed them to tell us for us to reflect that back to them
and say, 'Well, actually, that's climate change'.
"If you take a very
left-brain, very scientific approach to these matters, you are going nowhere,
and what we used was very right-brain, very heart and gut-driven — and it
worked."
Mr Evans agrees,
underscoring the deeply personal connection farmers have to the land, its role
in their business approach, and why the message must be managed psychologically
rather than scientifically.
"Ultimately, for a
farmer to confront the reality that this new climate might be permanent,
requires them to go through the five stages of grief: denial, anger,
bargaining, depression and acceptance."
Tuesday 2 April 2019
Serco operated high security prison in Queensland found to be one of two privately run gaols at risk of significant corruption
This is what Serco says of itself at www.serco.com:
Serco is trusted by governments and
organisations around the world to transform and deliver essential services.
Employing over 50,000 people, we operate across more than 20 countries in
Justice, Immigration, Health, Transport, Defence, and Citizen Services.
Serco provides essential
justice services in Australia, New Zealand and the UK, from the safe and secure
operation of prisons, young adult, and escorting services, to managing the
reintegration of ex-offenders into society. We help governments deliver a more
efficient and effective justice system, by employing the best people, getting
the basics right, championing service innovations, and forming community
partnerships.
By taking a
rehabilitative approach to justice, we help to make it less likely that people
will return to the criminal justice system, help to rebuild lives, and reduce
the financial and wider costs of crime to the public…….
Serco has been operating
correctional services in Australia for almost 15 years. As a prison operator,
safety and security is always our first priority. The new Clarence Correctional
Centre is our most recent contract, which will begin operations in 2020. Once
completed, this 1,700-bed state-of-the-art facility will be the largest
correctional centre in Australia.
The Clarence
Correctional Centre is being delivered by the NSW Government in
partnership with the Northern Pathways Consortium. To learn more about the
project visit northernpathways.com.au.
This is the
current reality in Australia…..
Sydney
Criminal Lawyers,
28 March 2019:
The Queensland
Government has announced that it will spend $111million over the next four
years, returning two privately run prisons to state management.
The Arthur Gorrie
Correctional Centre and the Southern Queensland Correctional Centre (SQCC), two
high-security prisons, are currently run by private operators.
However the
Government will now take over these contracts in response to recommendations
from the Crime and Corruption Commission’s Taskforce Flaxton, which last year
conducted an investigation into the entire Queensland prison system.
The post-investigation
report was scathing as a whole, finding a string of systemic issues, that put
prisons ‘at risk of significant corruption.’
These included
over-crowding, excessive use of force, misuse of authority, introduction of
contraband and inappropriate relationships all within prison walls. The report
also found that the number of assaults on staff was higher at privately run
facilities, due to lower staff numbers and therefore less supervision.
The South East
Queensland Correctional Centre is run by Serco.....
Serco
came under fire in 2017 after the release of the Paradise Papers which
detailed that Serco’s UK lawyers expressed written concerns that their client
had been engaging in fraud, covering up the abuse of detainees at Australian
detention centres, and even mishandling radioactive waste. The firm described
Serco as a “high-risk” organisation with a “history of problems, failures,
fatal errors and overcharging”.
Internationally, the
company runs prisons in the UK and New Zealand. In Australia it has been
operating for more than 15 years, managing prisons in Western Australia and
Queensland as well as 11 immigration centres. It also holds several defence
contracts and is currently building a mega-correctional facility near Grafton
in New South Wales.
The Clarence
Correctional Centre roughly 12 km from Grafton, NSW is due to open in June 2020.
Hopefully UK
based Serco Group Pty Ltd through
its subsidiary Serco Australia Pty
Limited will by then have addressed all
the issues in its chequered past.
Labels:
Australian society,
NSW prisons
Saturday 30 March 2019
Quote of the Week
“People generally
conform to the mores of their society, and if they believe racism to be
acceptable they are more likely to behave in a racist way. Racist concepts are
kept alive through communication of racist viewpoints and social mediation and
the use of racist scapegoating as acceptable aspects of political debate. Where
there is ‘social permission’ to be racist, racism is a permissible way of
releasing frustrations and aggression. Conversely, discouraging racist
attitudes and behaviour is likely to cause racism to decrease.” [Tamsan
Clarke, February 2005, RACISM, PLURALISM AND DEMOCRACY IN AUSTRALIA: Re-conceptualising racial vilificationlegislation]
Labels:
Australian society,
racism
Saturday 23 March 2019
Political Cartoons of the Week
Labels:
Australian society,
elections 2019,
racism
Friday 22 March 2019
"Please don’t run away from this so fast we fail to learn anything by it. Call out racism. Call out bigotry. Then call it out again, and again."
The Daily Examiner, 20 March 2019, p.28:
The
Grafton community is in shock, left heartbroken after news that Friday’s terrorist attack
in New Zealand was perpetrated by a man who grew up here.
So
it’s understandable we want to try to distance ourselves from what is now one
of the worst mass killings in modern history.
We
feel for our city, we feel for the local family caught up in this, and we feel
for the people of New Zealand.
What
is apparent though is a lack of acknowledgement of the people who were
specifically targeted in this murderous rampage. Muslims. People, including
children as young as two, who were killed because of their faith and their
race.
And
don’t for one minute think it’s not about race, it’s a package deal for white
supremacists, and the 28-year-old who grew up here is one of those.
So
why do Clarence Valley spokespeople gloss over such details like they are
trivial facts in this horrendous story?
If
a Middle Eastern gunman of Muslim faith walked into a Catholic church in
Australia and open fired on white Christian families there would be no such
leniencies extended to the perpetrator or his ilk in the conversations that
follow.
But
here we are in protection mode. This isn’t our Grafton. This isn’t our
Australia.
This isn’t us. Which is correct if we judge the perpetrator only on
his actions on Friday.
But
we have to come to terms with the fact these things don’t happen overnight.
There is an innate beginning to a journey that takes you to a place where you
are capable of planning an attack of this level of calculation and carnage,
write an extensive manifesto to showcase the act, film it and broadcast it
live, and, after being captured, smirk to the media as you face the first of
the many legal consequences of your actions.
So
if it’s not us, who is it? Pakistan, Finland, any other country? Is it the internet
or social media? Computer games? Is it the moment he left Grafton? The moment
he was ‘radicalised’?
Ultimate
responsibility lies with our society and the attitudes we foster. The
conversations we have and behaviours we encourage and allow.
Everything
contributes to this. What we hear from governments, what we hear from the
media, what we hear from our family and friends. What we are exposed to growing
up, what we talk about when we are old, the messages we share in pubs and on
social media.
So
in the Clarence, our Muslim-free narrative is very telling. So, too, the
idealistic version we create of ourselves.
Please
stop telling me how wonderful this place is. I already know it is; as long as
you look like me, you go OK.
But
describing the Clarence Valley and Grafton as a diverse and multicultural
region that prides itself on being inclusive, while it makes a great sound bite
or quote in a news story there is plenty to fault in these broad overviews with
little evidence to back them up.
About
80 per cent of Grafton is made up of white people and more than 70 per cent
identify as Christian (national averages are 65 per cent and 52 per cent
respectively).
Our demographic is made up of Australians, English, Irish,
Scottish and Germans predominantly. Our indigenous population falls under the
Australian component and makes up 7.4per cent of that, representing the major
group as far as our cultural diversity goes. It is more than double the state
average at 2.9per cent. Our representation of other people of colour is
negligible by comparison.*
So
to call us a culturally diverse place is a stretch. Inclusiveness is easy when
we all look the same and have the same beliefs.
Our
indigenous locals may have a different take on what that looks like.
When
it comes to sport and the arts, sure we champion inclusiveness with First
Nations people, but when we are really tested, like we were with the Coutts
Crossing name debate, we demonstrate a low tolerance. Same with national issues
like changing the date of Australia Day.
When
our Citizen of the Year expressed her support of that in her acceptance speech
she received random boos from an audience that also included members of our
indigenous community.
Every
October when we are – to quote someone well known for her lack of regard for
other races – “swamped with Asians”, our lack of tolerance for the influx of
visitors eager to photograph our beautiful trees is demonstrated with the
barrage of abuse they receive from passing motorists.
But
it’s not about race, they’re just idiots standing in the way, right? Like the
booing of Adam Goodes wasn’t because he was an Aborigine, he was just a bad
sport.
What
if the Muslim community came en masse to Grafton to mourn their slain? What if
they came to a town where they don’t exist?
It’s
impossible to have all those other conversations about our wonderful town
without having this one.
As
difficult as it is, not mentioning the war as we wait for things to blow over
isn’t an option. It’s no longer Grafton’s story to tell, or its agenda to set.
The city will forever wear a horrific international act of terrorism as part of
its story and in its history books.
Interest
will follow us for a long time as the world learns who the perpetrator was,
what kind of place he grew up in and how he ended up committing an act of
hatred so obscene it stopped the world.
Like
all the official spokespeople out there, I too love the Clarence Valley, but
I’m not blindsided by that affection so much I believe we are incapable of
being a breeding ground for racism. We aren’t the only Australian town to have
this potential, but we are the town caught up in this mess.
Please
don’t run away from this so fast we fail to learn anything by it. Call out
racism. Call out bigotry. Then call it out again, and again.
*2016
ABS Census
LESLEY APPS
Labels:
Australian society,
bigotry,
Clarence Valley,
racism,
xenophobia
Thursday 21 March 2019
Will Australian voters swallow Scott Morrison’s hypocritical volte-face?
In opposition or in government it didn't matter to Australian Prime Minister and Liberal MP for Cook Scott Morrison, he happily hammered home the message that boat people, asylum seekers and Muslims migrants were or could be a threat to the nation and to every Australian.
This self-confessed admirer of Donald Trump began his faux election campaign the day he took office shortly after the palace coup removed then prime minister Malcolm Turnbull and, almost from the start there has been speculation that he was hoping that his rhetoric would goad someone into committing a violent act of terrorism.
These snapshots below are taken from 15 March 2019 televised remarks by Morrison barely hiding his glee that he finally had the pre-federal election terrorist attack he had been dog whistling for - even if the fact that this muderous attack was made on people at prayer in two New Zealand mosques allegedly at the hands of an Australian meant he had to do a 360 turn on who he could blame.
Snapshots by @sarah_jade_ |
The
Sydney Morning Herald,
17 March 2019:
Something the Prime
Minister said
on Friday has been gnawing at me. For the most part, his statements in
the immediate aftermath of the obscenity in New Zealand were admirably clear.
He identified the victims: those of Islamic faith. He also clearly labelled the
attack for what it was, a “vicious and callous right-wing extremist attack”…..
But another of the Prime
Minister’s comments warrants attention. Speaking of the Australian gunman, he
said: “These people don't deserve names. Names imply some sort of humanity and
I struggle to find how anyone who would engage in this sort of behaviour and
violence … He’s not human. He doesn't deserve a name."
I can well understand
Morrison’s reaction. Watching him respond, it was clear he was moved, and
disgusted. And of course I share that disgust.
But think for a moment
about the implications of such rhetoric. This man is not even human, the Prime
Minister tells us. He is alien, almost literally another species, and therefore
illegible to us, the humans. He is not like us.
Perhaps, at the moment
he fired the gun, that became true. But what about just before that moment -
was he human then, and inhuman afterwards? Did he go from being comprehensible
to incomprehensible in the blink of an eye? Of course the implication of Morrison’s
words is that he was always different: never one of us, always already
separate.
But this is a fairytale
– and like most fairytales, it is there to comfort, with its suggestion that
such violence must have nothing to do with the rest of us. The Prime Minister
meant well. But what he said was absolute rot.
The point has been made
elsewhere that anti-Islamic sentiment is rife in our politics, and that
violence is its logical endpoint. It is a crucial point, it can’t be made
enough,…. But right now I want to briefly examine another dominant strand of
Australian politics.
A few weeks ago, the
political world was aflutter with a single question: was this Scott Morrison’s
Tampa moment? And we know, because Morrison told
us, that he wanted it to be: “Australians will be deciding once again - as
they did in 2013, as they did in 2001 - about whether they want the stronger
border protection policies of…” and you can guess the rest.
The phrase "strong borders"
is heard often in our political debate, but much of the time, especially when
you live on an island, borders are abstractions – imaginary lines drawn on
literally shifting seas. The vague and nonsense phrase is of course a
euphemism, meaning "we are very good at keeping people out". And when
is this an important skill? When the people to be kept out pose some threat.
The beauty of "strong borders" is that it says all of that in two
words.
The same goes for
"Tampa moment", which in fact includes three separate events: Tampa,
then September 11, then children overboard. Howard’s election campaign blended
these events into one overarching
narrative. The demonisation of refugees as ruthless people who would kill
their own children and who might kill you was not a side-effect of the
strategy, it was the strategy.
Howard argues that he
would have won without Tampa. But it doesn’t really matter, because the real
damage was not done at that election. As people like Peter Brent have argued, the
real damage is the lingering belief that this is how elections are won.
Emphasise strong borders, emphasise the threat.
Morrison’s absorption of
that lesson is there for anyone to see. It was there in his comments in 2012
that asylum seekers might
cause a typhoid outbreak. It was there last week when he warned that asylum
seekers might be paedophiles
or murderers or rapists, and when he
backed Peter Dutton’s assertion that they would take housing and
hospital spots from Australians. And it was there in his recent security
speech, when he introduced the section on terrorism with reference to just
one, specific type: “radical extremist Islamist terrorism.”
If our political leaders
remain intent on depicting a world in which people from other countries bring
disease, hatred, and violence to our shores, can they really be so shocked when
it turns out that is precisely the world some people believe in?
[my yellow highlighting]
There’s been less
reflection on the fact that any 28-year-old in Australia has grown up in a
period when racism, xenophobia and a hostility to Muslims in particular, were
quickly ratcheting up in the country’s public culture.
In the period of the country’s enthusiastic participation in the War on Terror, Islam and Muslims have frequently been treated as public enemies, and hate speech against them has inexorably been normalised.
Australian racism did not of course begin in 2001. The country was settled by means of a genocidal frontier war, and commenced its independent existence with the exclusion of non-white migrants. White nationalism was practically Australia’s founding doctrine.
In the period of the country’s enthusiastic participation in the War on Terror, Islam and Muslims have frequently been treated as public enemies, and hate speech against them has inexorably been normalised.
Australian racism did not of course begin in 2001. The country was settled by means of a genocidal frontier war, and commenced its independent existence with the exclusion of non-white migrants. White nationalism was practically Australia’s founding doctrine.
But a succession of
events in the first year of the millennium led to Islamophobia being
practically enshrined as public policy.
First, the so-called Tampa Affair saw a conservative government refuse to admit refugees who had been rescued at sea. It was a naked bid to win an election by whipping up xenophobia and border panic. It worked.
In the years since, despite its obvious brutality, and despite repeated condemnations from international bodies, the mandatory offshore detention of boat-borne refugees in third countries has become bipartisan policy. (The centre-left Labor party sacrificed principle in order to neutralise an issue that they thought was costing them elections.)
The majority of the refugees thus imprisoned have been Muslim. It has often been suggested by politicians that detaining them is a matter of safety – some of them might be terrorists.
Second, the 9/11 attacks drew Australia into the War on Terror in support of its closest ally, and geopolitical sponsor, the United States.
Australian troops spent long periods in Afghanistan and Iraq, fighting and killing Muslims in their own countries. The consequences of this endless war have included the targeting of Australians in Jihadi terror attacks and plots, both at home and abroad.
The wars began with a deluge of propaganda. Later, the terror threat was leveraged to massively enhance surveillance by Australia’s national security state. Muslim Australians have frequently been defined by arms of their own government as a source of danger.
Two years after the war in Iraq commenced, the campaign of Islamophobia culminated in the country’s most serious modern race riots, on Cronulla Beach in December 2005, when young white men spent a summer afternoon beating and throwing bottles at whichever brown people they could find.
First, the so-called Tampa Affair saw a conservative government refuse to admit refugees who had been rescued at sea. It was a naked bid to win an election by whipping up xenophobia and border panic. It worked.
In the years since, despite its obvious brutality, and despite repeated condemnations from international bodies, the mandatory offshore detention of boat-borne refugees in third countries has become bipartisan policy. (The centre-left Labor party sacrificed principle in order to neutralise an issue that they thought was costing them elections.)
The majority of the refugees thus imprisoned have been Muslim. It has often been suggested by politicians that detaining them is a matter of safety – some of them might be terrorists.
Second, the 9/11 attacks drew Australia into the War on Terror in support of its closest ally, and geopolitical sponsor, the United States.
Australian troops spent long periods in Afghanistan and Iraq, fighting and killing Muslims in their own countries. The consequences of this endless war have included the targeting of Australians in Jihadi terror attacks and plots, both at home and abroad.
The wars began with a deluge of propaganda. Later, the terror threat was leveraged to massively enhance surveillance by Australia’s national security state. Muslim Australians have frequently been defined by arms of their own government as a source of danger.
Two years after the war in Iraq commenced, the campaign of Islamophobia culminated in the country’s most serious modern race riots, on Cronulla Beach in December 2005, when young white men spent a summer afternoon beating and throwing bottles at whichever brown people they could find.
Cronulla was a milestone
in the development of a more forthright, ugly public nationalism in Australia.
Now young men wear flags as capes on Australia Day, a date which is seen as a
calculated insult by many Indigenous people. Anzac Day, which commemorates a
failed invasion of Turkey, was once a far more ambivalent occasion. In recent
years it has moved closer to becoming an open celebration of militarism and
imperialism.
Every step of the way, this process has not been hindered by outlets owned by News Corp, which dominates Australia’s media market in a way which citizens of other Anglophone democracies can find difficult to comprehend.
News Corp has the biggest-selling newspapers in the majority of metropolitan media markets, monopolies in many regional markets, the only general-readership national daily, and the only cable news channel. Its influence on the national news agenda remains decisive. And too often it has used this influence to demonise Muslims.
[my yellow highlighting]
Every step of the way, this process has not been hindered by outlets owned by News Corp, which dominates Australia’s media market in a way which citizens of other Anglophone democracies can find difficult to comprehend.
News Corp has the biggest-selling newspapers in the majority of metropolitan media markets, monopolies in many regional markets, the only general-readership national daily, and the only cable news channel. Its influence on the national news agenda remains decisive. And too often it has used this influence to demonise Muslims.
[my yellow highlighting]
BACKGROUND
The
Sydney Morning Herald,
9 February 2011:
SCOTT Morrison, the
Liberal frontbencher who this week distinguished himself as the greatest grub
in the federal Parliament, is the classic case of the politician who is so
immersed in the game of politics that he has lost touch with the real world
outside it…..
The point of this story?
Morrison is a cheap populist, with form. On that occasion, he was being
irresponsible with the national economy. For him it's just about clever lines.
Morrison was powerless
to influence the bank, of course. John Howard and Peter Costello gave the
Reserve Bank independence to free it from people like Morrison.
The bank raised
rates three days after Morrison's comment.
This week it was race.
Morrison decided to see if he could win some political points by inflaming
racism and resentment. More specifically, he zeroed in on some of the most
vulnerable people in the country for political advantage. Indeed, is there
anyone more vulnerable than a traumatised, orphaned child unable to speak
English, held in detention on a remote island?
Morrison publicly raised
objections to the government's decision to pay for air fares for some of the
survivors of the Christmas Island boat wreck to travel to Sydney for the funerals
of their relatives.
Some were Christian
funerals, others were Muslim. But all of them were foreigners, all of them were
boat people, all of them were dark-skinned, and to Morrison that made them all
fair game. Unable to tell the difference between the Coalition mantra of
"we will stop the boats" and his emerging position that "we will
vindictively pursue boat people suffering tragedy" he went on radio.
As the survivors were
gathering to mourn their dead, Morrison said that with the government paying for
the 22 air fares, "I don't think it is reasonable. The government had the
option of having these services on Christmas Island. If relatives of those who
were involved wanted to go to Christmas Island, like any other Australian who
wanted to attend a funeral service in another part of the country, they would
have made their own arrangements to be there."
All of them were
dark-skinned, and to Morrison that made them all fair game
Again, for Morrison it's
just a tricky game of politics and clever lines. A former director of the NSW
Liberal Party, he inhabits a world where consequences for himself and his
political party are all that matter. There is no other reality. He didn't care
about the boat people, and - being as charitable to him as possible - he mightn't
even have stopped to think about the consequences.
And again, there is a
national interest at stake. Forty-four per cent of Australians were born
overseas or have at least one parent who was born overseas. Australia is an
immigrant society. Australia is a multicultural country. That is a simple fact.
To foment ethnic, racial or religious frictions or resentments is deeply
harmful to the national interest.
Kevin Dunn, professor of
geography and urban studies at the University of Western Sydney, who next week
is to publish a study on racism in Australia, says: "Research has shown
convincingly that geopolitical events, political events and political
statements don't affect Australian attitudes on race very quickly, but they do
affect behaviour. People with a grudge feel more empowered to act on it."
Racist abuse and discrimination follow. So again, Morrison was toying with a
deep national interest, but this time, his remarks could carry real force. The
Reserve Bank governor knows his business and ignores Morrison, but the
vindictive and the vicious may feel emboldened to act on their hurtful urges.
Who does this help?....
Morrison next day
conceded that his timing was insensitive, but didn't retract his complaint. He
denied that he had been influenced by One Nation, even though One Nation had
been busily emailing and lobbying politicians on the matter.
[my yellow highlighting]
Twitter declares Queensland Senator Fraser Anning's account violated "hateful conduct" policy
Hateful
conduct: You may not promote violence against or directly attack or
threaten other people on the basis of race, ethnicity, national origin, sexual
orientation, gender, gender identity, religious affiliation, age, disability,
or serious disease. We also do not allow accounts whose primary purpose is
inciting harm towards others on the basis of these categories.
Brisbane-based
former One Nation candidate, sixty-nine year-old Fraser Anning. was Declared
elected 10.11.2017 as a Senator for Queensland by the High Court of Australia,
vice M Roberts (disqualified under section 44 (i) of the Constitution).
In the following
sixteen months he:
* notoriously
used the phrase The final solution to the immigration
problem in
his first speech in the Senate;
* was subsequently
dumped by Katter’s Australia Party;
* declared
himself an Independent senator;
* voted
with Morrison Government senators to pass a One Nation motion that endorsed the
white *supremacist term It is OK to be white;
* applied
to register Fraser
Anning’s Conservative National Party (aka The Conservative Nationals);
* was publicly
condemned by the New Zealand Prime Minister for a statement he issued
after the terrorist attack on two Christchurch mosques;
* was the
subject of an
online petition calling for his removal from the Australian Parliament which
has over 1 million signatures; and
* is the subject of a foreshadowed parliamentary censure motion by both the Morrison
Government and the Labor Opposition on 1 April 2019.
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