Monday, 19 April 2021

Australian Prime Minister and Liberal MP for Cook Scott John Morrison continues his inglorious progression through 2021

 

The following April 2021 news media excerpts indicate that the current Australian Prime Minister is not good at the practicalities of governing a nation.


In fact they suggest that if Scott Morrison started his working life with any form of management skills, they were and still are, best suited to the lowest rung of middle management in a modestly-sized business.


The Saturday Paper, 10-16 April 2021:


The National Disability Insurance Scheme has set up a secretive “sustainability action taskforce”, which is instructed to “avoid” a forecast budget overrun by cutting access to the scheme and the level of funding to participants, leaked documents reveal.


An internal memo, marked “sensitive” and obtained by The Saturday Paper, shows that senior agency figures know there will be a “forecast… cost overrun in the 2021-22 financial year… on top of the scheduled increase in annual budget allocation”.


The document, dated April 2021, notes that the Sustainability Action Taskforce (SAT) has been working on “actions we need to take to avoid this forecast overrun”.


In order to do this, the SAT plans to limit both the number of new applicants joining the NDIS and growth of spending on current participants.


The memo provides the clearest evidence yet that a suite of proposed legislative reforms to the NDIS, key among them the introduction of mandatory “independent” assessments, are smokescreens for severe cuts to the scheme’s budget.


The actions of the SAT will make immediate changes to slow growth in participant numbers, slow growth in spend per participant and strengthen operational discipline,” the memo reads. “We need to act now to ensure we can deliver a better NDIS.”


From the very beginning of the Morrison government trying to force these changes upon disabled people we said very clearly, ‘We can see exactly what you are doing because you feel disabled people are a burden on government finances’.”


For further information, the document directs some staff to a “Scheme reform intranet hub”. Details from this reform hub were sent to staff as recently as last week with updated “talking points” regarding the rationale for the changes.


Senator Jordon Steele-John, the Greens’ disability spokesperson, told The Saturday Paper that this leaked document is “the smoking gun”.


It reveals the government’s real intention with these reforms is to kick disabled people off our NDIS,” he said on Tuesday. “In addition, from the very beginning of the Morrison government trying to force these changes upon disabled people we said very clearly, ‘We can see exactly what you are doing because you feel disabled people are a burden on government finances’.


And every single time the Morrison government looked us in the eye and said, ‘You are being ridiculous.’ ”


A spokesperson for the National Disability Insurance Agency (NDIA) told The Saturday Paper that “any long-term financial risks will always be a consideration for government”…..


The Saturday Paper, 16 April 2021:


Back in 2015, when he was Social Services minister, Scott Morrison distinguished between disability support and welfare. He argued there needed to be cuts to welfare to help pay for the NDIS rollout. His distinction was that those on welfare are somehow blameworthy, or at the very least prone to cheat the system. Those with a disability, meanwhile, were seen as hapless victims of fate worthy of support so they can live with as much dignity as possible.


But now people with disabilities are to be seen through the same prism as those on welfare. By the Morrison government’s thinking, they are a burden on the budget and a taskforce has been established with the aim of cutting the growth in funding packages and participant numbers. This comes with the revelation that the public servants who designed the illegal computerised “robo-debt” scheme are busy at work for debt recovery from the disabled.


One of the original architects of the NDIS, Labor’s Bill Shorten, says the plans are a disgrace and a betrayal. There is also anger on the government’s backbench. So much so that the portfolio’s former minister, Stuart Robert, feared his plans to introduce privatised tick-and-flick assessments would not get approval from the party room.


Veteran Liberal MP Russell Broadbent says people with disabilities and their families “deserve special care and consideration”. He says, “They need all the support that is promised by the NDIS.” The new NDIS minister, Linda Reynolds, isn’t inspiring confidence, telling The Age she supports quality outcomes that are “fair and affordable” – a loaded motherhood statement if ever there was one. What’s affordable is what the government is willing to spend, according to its value judgements.


Overlooking people with disabilities in the vaccine rollout is symptomatic not only of the government’s poor priorities but of the mess the whole project has become.


Morrison began the week by resorting to Facebook to retreat and regroup. He ended it by putting the national cabinet – the Zoom meeting with premiers and chief ministers – on a weekly war footing. What exactly that means, and how it will meet the almost inexcusable shortfall of vaccines, isn’t clear. We may need to rely on more leaks from the public service and revelations from the disgruntled to find out.


ABC News, 16 April 2021:


Having last year promised to put Australia at the front of the global coronavirus vaccination queue, the Federal Government now finds itself under pressure over the pace of its vaccine rollout.


Prime Minister Scott Morrison this month defended the Government's record, claiming Australia had outperformed Germany, New Zealand, South Korea and Japan at the same stage of their vaccination rollouts.


"It is true that at this stage of our rollout, it is actually better than where Germany was, better than where New Zealand was, better than where South Korea and Japan was, and so I think there will be some important context in the weeks ahead as we see the significant ramp up of the distribution network," he said.


How does Australia's vaccine rollout compare? RMIT ABC Fact Check investigates.


The verdict

Mr Morrison's claim is misleading.


When he made his claim during an April 6 media conference, Australia's vaccination program had been underway for 43 days.


At that point, a total of 854,983 jabs had been given — equivalent to about 3.4 for every 100 people.


That was slightly behind where Germany was 43 days into its vaccination program, but ahead of New Zealand, Japan and South Korea.


Mr Morrison was therefore not accurate when he suggested Australia "at this stage of our rollout" was outperforming all four of the countries he chose to list.


Moreover, by the standards being set by member countries of the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), Australia's vaccination program was slow to get started, and has ramped up more slowly.


The OECD's 37 member nations had delivered an average of 6.2 jabs per 100 people at the 43-day mark of their respective vaccination programs, compared to Australia's 3.4 doses.


And in terms of their overall efforts, an average of 22.4 doses per 100 people had been given across all 37 OECD nations by April 6.


Whether Australia's relatively cautious approach when it comes to vaccine approval — and hence its slower start for the rollout — represents a prudent strategy is a different question.


Moreover, not all vaccines are equivalent, making international comparisons difficult…….


Mr Morrison made his claim 43 days after Australia began its rollout, and compared its progress with that of Japan, Germany, South Korea and New Zealand.


Fact Check, therefore, assessed the rollout of vaccines across various countries 43 days from when their first jab was given.


The cumulative number of vaccines is expressed as a rate per 100 people, to account for variations in population.


Mr Morrison adopted the same approach when using a Facebook post to argue Australia's rollout was advancing in a manner consistent with other countries.


In terms of assessing a country's progress, the focus would ideally be on the number of people partly and fully vaccinated relative to the population, rather than on cumulative vaccine doses…...


Mr Morrison appears to have chosen for his vaccine comparison countries that are among the most sluggish in the OECD.


After 43 days, Australia's rate of 3.4 jabs per 100 people placed it eighth lowest in the OECD, ahead of Mexico, Japan, New Zealand, South Korea, Canada, France and Chile.


It was also below the OECD average of 6.2 jabs per 100 people.


After 43 days, Israel had administered about 57 jabs per 100 people, while Switzerland and the UK had both administered more than 10 jabs per 100 people. In the US, 9.6 shots per 100 people had been given…..



The Guardian, 17 April 2021:


It’s not entirely clear how encouraging words cleared the gritted teeth of the New South Wales health minister, Brad Hazzard, this week, but he managed it.


The precursor to Hazzard gritting his teeth was Scott Morrison dropping a statement to media outlets on Tuesday night declaring the national cabinet would resume meeting twice a week to deal with the mess of the vaccination rollout.


Morrison was rewarded with amplifying headlines on Wednesday morning about the country returning to a “war” footing – whatever that meant. It was unclear whether Australia (led by new defence minister Peter Dutton) intended to invade Europe and storm the factories of Big Pharma to commandeer some jabs, but in any case, Hazzard responded to his conscription to national service by observing that collaboration across the jurisdictions was welcome.


Previously, Hazzard thought, when it came to the vaccination program, decisions had “largely been a one-way street, with states and territories being told that this is how it is going to work”. The minister kept rolling. “That hasn’t worked so well so far, so maybe it’s time to have a rethink”. For good measure, Hazzard also noted “vaccine rollouts are state and territory core business”.


If you aren’t fluent in the passive-aggressive dialects of commonwealth-state relations, this short homily from Hazzard could be a little opaque.


So let me spell this out.


According to well-placed people who have been involved in the management of Covid-19 since the beginning, the states and territories (and some other experts) have been telling Morrison and the federal health minister, Greg Hunt, for months that their preferred mode of rollout of coronavirus vaccines carried significant downside risks.


Objections from the states and territories have been expressed at the level of health and treasury ministers.


Premiers and chief ministers have also raised the risks at national cabinet. As one person put it to me candidly this week: “We’ve been watching this slow-moving train wreck right from the beginning.”


There are two main issues: the design of the vaccination program, and decisions about procurement.


When it comes to the design of the rollout, at issue is Morrison and Hunt’s decision to have GPs and pharmacies deal with the jabs as “critical partners” rather than handing over the program to the states to manage.


If you ask around the government why this decision was made, the explanation you get is simple. GPs and pharmacies are politically influential and seen as largely friendly to the Coalition (community pharmacy in particular). People say Morrison and Hunt saw political benefit in a successful national vaccination program being run by friendly health groups, and this was preferable to having to run the gauntlet of the states and their endless naysaying and nitpicking.


This Canberra-led delivery model would enable Morrison and Hunt to own the success of the rollout and sail forth in triumph to the federal election.


People say nobody seemed that focussed on the political risks of owning a debacle, even though the potential for that seemed reasonably high, given the number of moving parts and vagaries outside the control of the Morrison talking points complex…… [my yellow highlighting]


YahooSport!, 17 April 2021:



Another visit to a footy match on Friday night has again landed the nation's leader in the crosshairs of footy fans, with loud boos ringing out at West Coast's Optus Stadium at the appearance of the PM in the crowd.


Mr Morrison was shown sitting next to former finance minister Mathias Cormann on a big screen at the ground, prompting footy fans to loudly boo the PM.


The Prime Minister's approval rating has taken a hit in recent weeks after a number of scandals involving the Liberal Party including his government's response to sexual assault allegations and claims of inappropriate behaviour inside Parliament, as well as the Covid-19 vaccination rollout....


From being booed at the footy in WA to being flipped the bird in SA:



Australian Government, Dept. of Finance, retrieved 17 April 2021:


The Emergency Response Fund (ERF) was established on the commencement of the Emergency Response Fund Act 2019 (ERF Act), on 12 December 2019. On establishment, the ERF was credited with the uncommitted balance of the Education Investment Fund, which has now been closed.


The ERF allows the Government to draw up to $200 million in any given year, beyond what is already available to fund emergency response and natural disaster recovery and preparedness, where it determines the existing recovery and resilience-building programs are insufficient to provide an appropriate response to natural disasters.


As of 31 December 2020 the total credits and earning held by the Emergency Response Fund (ERF) was $4.34 billion.


As of 17 April 2021 it appears that neither Prime Minister Morrison, Treasurer Frydenberg or Finance Minister Birmingham have allowed even one cent of this money to be dispensed to fund either emergency response or natural disaster recovery and preparedness.

To date, mainstream media still characterises monies held in the ERf as "unused".


The Australian, 7 April 2021:


The fund is supposed to pay out $200m a year to help local governments deal with cyclones, floods and bushfires, with $150m set aside for disaster recovery and $50m for mitigation, but no money has been spent since the fund was announced in April 2019 and legislated in December 2019. 


A Senate estimates hearing last month revealed there were 74 flood prevention projects worth a combined $250m that had applied for ERF funding but were yet to be assessed. 


Queensland councils in flood and cyclone-prone areas along the coast have criticised the federal government for failing to use the fund. 


Federal Emergency Management Minister David Littleproud said the reason no money had been paid from the disaster recovery tranche was because the legislation prohibited the fund from being used before other disaster funds, such as the bushfire recovery fund, were exhausted. 


He blamed the lack of money for mitigation projects on the time required to set up the proper processed to assess applications. “As soon as the legislation passes, you can’t just administer the funds right away,” he said.


“You have to set up the governance around it.....


If readers go to
 https://www.legislation.gov.au/Details/C2019A00090/bd972cb5-be04-4687-807d-674c011df330 and examine the legislative provisions it is not hard to imagine that the ERF was never intended to fully function for the stated purpose of emergency recovery.


It is also noted that the National Bushfire Recovery Fund (NBRF) was announced by Morrison on 6 May 2020. It has a total of $2.1 billion committed over four years if the Economic and Fiscal Update, Appendix A of July 2020 is correct.


Over 11 months later and Morrison & Co. has allocated barely half of those funds, with little or no guarantee that any or all of that amount of financial assistance has as yet actually reached bushfire affected communities, families and individuals. 




Sunday, 18 April 2021

There have been at least 451 Aboriginal deaths in police and prison custody since the Royal Commission into Aboriginal Deaths in Custody delivered its final report in 1991


During the period 1 January 1980 to 31 May 1989 there were 99 reported cases of Aboriginal deaths in custody in Australia falling within the jurisdiction of the Royal Commission into Aboriginal Deaths in Custody.


Between the final report of the Royal Commission in 1991 and 30 June 2019, at least another 451 Aboriginal people have died while in police or prison custody.


Current published statistical records do not yet include the period between 1 July 2019 to the present day.


The following historical information is divided in to two sections – deaths in police custody and deaths in prison custody


DEATHS IN POLICE CUSTODY


Between 1991 and 30 June 2019, a total of 156 of the Indigenous deaths were while the individuals were in police custody and custody-related operations.


In 2018–19 there were 24 deaths in police custody and custody-related operations according to the Australian Government’s Institute of Criminology Statistical Report 31.


Of these 6 deaths were in Western Australia, 5 deaths in each of New South Wales, Victoria and Queensland, 2 in South Australia and one in Tasmania. No deaths in police custody were recorded in the Australian Capital Territory or the Northern Territory.


Sixteen of the 24 deaths occurring in police custody were categorised as category 1 deaths – that is they occurred during close police contact with the deceased, including deaths in police stations, and most police shootings and raids. The remaining 8 deaths were classified as category 2 deaths occurring during contact, such as foot pursuits or self-inflicted deaths in the presence of police after the commission of an offence.


Of the 24 deaths 4 were of Indigenous persons, 19 were of non-Indigenous persons and one person had no Indigenous status recorded.


Of these 4 deaths Indigenous deaths in police custody 3 were male and one was female and their median age was 22 years. One cause of death was listed as unknown, one was from a self-inflicted gunshot wound and 2 were recorded as accidental death as a result of other/multiple causes.


The Indigenous person whose cause of death was unknown died while police were in the process of detaining or attempting to detain this individual.


Of the 4 Indigenous deaths in police custody, 2 occurred in a public place, one on private property, and the other in a public hospital. The location of death for the individual whose Indigenous status was not recorded was a public place.


Of the four Indigenous persons who died in police custody, 2 were suspected of having committed theft-related offences, one was suspected of having committed a good order offence and, an suspected offence was not stated or unknown for the remaining Indigenous death. The 11 non-Indigenous persons who died in police custody in 2018-19 were most commonly suspected of having committed a violent offence.


This breakdown of suspected offences by persons dying in police custody has been similar over the last 30 years of statistical records.


In 2018-19 the death rate of Indigenous persons in police custody was 0.61 per 100,000 Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander population aged 10 years and over, compared with a death rate of non-Indigenous persons in police custody of 0.09 per 100,000 non-Indigenous population aged 10 years and over.


DEATHS IN PRISON CUSTODY


Between 1991 and 30 June 2019, there have been a total of 295 Indigenous deaths in prison custody, including in youth detention centres and during prisoner transfers.


In 2018–19 there were 89 deaths in prison custody. The largest number of deaths in prison custody occurred in New South Wales (33 persons), followed by Victoria (19 persons), Western Australia (15 persons), Queensland (11 persons), Northern Territory (3 persons) and Tasmania (2 persons). None of these six jurisdictions recorded a decease in the number of deaths. There were no deaths in prison custody in the Australian Capital Territory.


Of these 89 deaths 16 were Indigenous deaths in prison custody, accounting for 18 percent of all deaths in prison custody over that period.


All 16 of these deaths were Indigenous males, with 6 being 55 years of age or older, 8 being between 40 to 54 years of age and 2 between 25 to 39 years of age.


The highest number of Indigenous deaths in prison custody in that period occurred in Western Australia with 5 deaths, followed by New South Wales with 4 deaths, the Northern Territory with 3 deaths and Queensland with 2 deaths. No Indigenous deaths occurred in South Australia, Tasmania or the ACT.


The overall death rate in the prison population in 2018-19 was 0.21 per 100 prisoners. The death rate of Indigenous prisoners was 0.13 per 100 prisoners and 3.11 per 100,000 Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander population aged 18 years and over.


The cause of death was recorded for 13 of the 16 Indigenous deaths in prison custody, with 11 being listed as death due to natural causes, and one listed as death by hanging. The remaining cause of death was not specifically identified in Report 31.


A total of 4 Indigenous deaths in 2018-19 occurred in a prison cell and 7 occurred in a public hospital. The place of death is not identifiable for the remaining 5 individuals.


Friday, 16 April 2021

Nationals MP for Page Kevin Hogan gets annoyed by a university handbook for lecturers and tutors

 

Nationals MP for Page Kevin Hogan (left) took to Facebook, media releases and an email to certain constituents this month, after getting his undies in a knot over Australian National University (ANU) Gender Institute and Centre for Learning and Teaching co-releasing the "Gender-Inclusive Handbook" for tertiary education lecturers and tutors. 


I guess you can take the failed investment officer/financial adviser off Sky News & the business studies teacher out of the classroom and send him into federal politics, but perhaps his electorate shouldn't have expected him to actually exercise his brain once he arrived in Canberra. 


Sometime in the last seven years he has apparently joined the 'It's political correctness gone mad!' brigade. 


Hogan's voting record already shows us that he is not exactly a friend to the university system. He was for raising undergraduate and post-graduate course fees, as well as against increasing government funding for university education and definitely for political interference in how research grants are awarded.


This is how one Murdoch daily metropolitan and one local Murdoch rag pumped up Hogan's media release:



And this was an NBN News snapshot of part of his Facebook rant:



As usual he is missing the main thrust of the issues outlined in the handbook - which is how to support all students in their learning experience.


The handbook can be found at: 

https://genderinstitute.anu.edu.au/sites/default/files/docs/2021_docs/Gender_inclusive_handbook.pdf


*Image of Kevin Hogan found at news.com.au


Thursday, 15 April 2021

A virulent cancer lodged in the the heart of Australian society - News Corp


U.S. citizen Keith Rupert Murdoch
Media magnate & founder of News Corp
IMAGE: Google Images



The New Daily, 12 April 2021:


As the federal Senate convenes its latest hearing on the inquiry into media diversity, with former prime minister Malcolm Turnbull as its headline act on Monday, it has been revealed News Corp owns nearly 60 per cent of the metro and national print media market.


The company also earns 40 per cent of TV revenues, and is part of a profitable trio controlling a mind-boggling 90 per cent of metro radio licences…..


On the eve of the Senate inquiry, a study by University of Sydney academics found how densely Australia’s media ownership is concentrated.


News Corp is the unchallenged dominant player,” wrote Associate Professor of Communication Benedetta Brevini and PhD candidate Michael Ward.


The predominance of News Corp in cross-media settings is unprecedented in liberal democracies.”


The report, commissioned by activist group GetUp!, found News Corp had a 59 per cent share in the metro and national print media markets, when measured by readership.


The authors said that compared to just 25 per cent in 1984.


Nine Entertainment, which owns the former Fairfax papers including the Sydney Morning Herald, has “a combined 23 per cent readership share”, the report details.


The dominance of News Corp and Nine’s media ownership extends beyond print to other media platforms,” the authors said.


Just three corporations – News Corp, Nine, and Southern Cross Media (and their associated entities) – control almost 90 per cent of the lucrative metropolitan radio licences across the country.”


That’s in addition to the 40 per cent of total Australian television revenue that News Corp earns, when taking into account free-to-air and subscription revenues.


The authors note this is “almost double that of second-place holder Nine”.....


The full GetUp! report is at https://d68ej2dhhub09.cloudfront.net/2810-GetUp_-_Who_Controls_Our_Media_.pdf


Wednesday, 14 April 2021

Quote of the Week

 

"Climate change continues to influence Australian and global climate. Australia's climate has warmed by 1.44 ± 0.24 °C over 1910–2019, while southern Australia has seen a reduction of 10–20% in cool season (April–October) rainfall in recent decades."  [Australian Bureau of Meteorology, 13 April 2021]